Linda Yueh

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27 August 2010 The roller-coaster recovery

 

We were braced for weakness but 2Q growth in the UK has remained very high at 1.2% on the second preliminary estimate, increasing sharply from the less than 0.5% growth rates for the three prior quarters of the recovery. The very pro-cyclical sector of construction grew faster than expected at 8.5% up from the previous 6.6% which pushed up the growth rate. The rebound looks strong but won't last as it is in essence a 6 month growth rate because bad weather in Q1 delayed projects until Q2. 

 

For the U.S., the picture looks even more precipitous. The growth rates for the 4 quarters of the recovery have been 1.6%, 5.0%, 3.7% and today's revised 1.6%. The sharp drop from the initial estimate of 2.4% makes U.S. growth look like the steep downhill part of a slope. The reason was because the driver of this stage of the recovery is private inventories and the growth of that was over-estimated at $75.7 billion and has come down to $63.2 billion. It means that instead of adding 2.64 percentage points of growth as it had in Q1 and a similar amount in 2009Q4, inventories only contributed 0.63 percentage points. Thus, the slowdown in growth from 3.7% to 1.6%. Net exports were also much worse than expected (the trade deficit is now at a 21 month high) and subtracted a huge 3.37 percentage points from 2Q GDP growth.

 

Germany's impressive 2.2% growth in Q2 is also not expected to last (see August 17th post) as that had been fuelled by a weak euro and exports. Taken together, there are few signs of strong final demand which is what must sustain a recovery after the rebound and inventory re-stocking phase passes. Consumption is growing at just under 1% in the UK and Germany, and around 2% in the U.S. If this continues, then the economy will grow but at these rates and not the heady rates of the past few months. But, as the warnings about unemployment and fiscal austerity loom, there are still a lot of worries about the choppy second half of the year.

23 August 2010 The commodity "super-cycle"

 

The battle for PotashCorp, the Canadian fertilizer company, by BHP Billiton and potential third parties such as Sinochem is premised on growing population demand for food that is evident in fertilizer prices increasing four-fold since the start of the commodity "super-cycle" in 2003. The involvement of Sinochem points to China's interest, as the largest consumer of potash globally, but is its (and India's) growing middle class demanding more food and meat the reason for rising prices?

 

A study by World Bank economists Dominique van der Mensbrugghe, Israel Osorio-Rodarte, Andrew Burns and John Baffes for the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) of the United Nations examining how to feed the world in 2050 reveals some interesting findings. Figure 2.5 shows that grain (rice, maize, wheat) consumption by China and India as a percent of the world's total has declined since 1995 when growth was stronger than before and more people became middle class. The consumption proportion was lower during the 2003 super-cycle than in the late 1990s. Figure 2.1 also shows that the price level of the recent boom is lower than that of the previous peaks including the 1970s.

 

The authors conclude that there is some evidence that the current "super-cycle" reflects structural change in the world but only some. Figure 4.3 shows potential agricultural land exceeds currently utilised land around the world, which points to the need to increase investment to address the structural shift in demand for food with the emerging middle class.

 

Structural demand, though, isn't the entire story. Supply and other factors such as the diversion of land and crops (maize, edible oil) to biofuels, weak dollar during 2002-2007, trade restrictions, 60 year low in global stock of grains (due to the growth in trade in food), climate change all play a role. Interestingly, they find no evidence that speculation affects these soft commodity prices even though commodities were included in traded indices during the 2000s.

 

Finally, they and others find that productivity improvements have led to agricultural goods prices falling since the early 1970s despite the world adding 1 billion people every 12-14 years. Perhaps this is the reason why Malthusians have been proved wrong over the years. Technology has supported the more efficient use of resources. We may not run out of food and the super-cycle will likely fall away but the issue of resource management will be more important than ever as the world population is expected to grow by nearly 50% from 6.5 billion to 9 billion in 2050.

 

16 August 2010 Is Britain with its own currency really a better bet than Germany/Euro Zone?

 

That was the view during most of the year when we were mired in the euro crisis. But, with domestic demand weak, exports are the key to recovery and the weakened euro has provided that boost while Sterling has not and instead contributed to above-target inflation all year.

 

The 2010Q2 picture shows that Germany is growing well (2.2%) with low inflation (1.7% in July) while Britain is growing more slowly (1.1%) with high inflation (3.1% expected in July). Notably, UK exports have not benefitted from the weak Sterling unlike the Euro Zone/Germany and has only ended up with higher inflation whilst the Euro Zone's deflationary tendencies are countered in some part by imported inflation. In other words, growth is stronger in Germany (though not as much in the Euro Zone) because of recovery by exports while the UK isn't benefitting in the same way and instead is just suffering from inflation, made worse by the recent increases in the prices of "soft commodities" like wheat. UK CPI will likely remain above 3% (as it has been all year) at around 3.1% for July, reflecting the imported inflation from the weak Pound amidst volatile global commodity prices, but also the continuing base effect from the reversion of VAT to 17.5%. For the Euro Zone, inflation is at an 20 month high, but still below the target of 2% and monthly prices fell in July by 0.3%. This is in spite of VAT increases in Finland, Greece, Portugal, Romania and Spain last month.

 
The strong Q2 growth figures probably won't last in either place. The ZEW survey for Germany is likely to show a slight weakening in sentiment for the rest of the year. The strong momentum from the first half of the year begins to slow as exports which are powering Germany's extraordinary 2Q growth will not last as its major markets soften. The June industrial output for the Euro Zone, Germany and France all declined after robust growth in April and May, which suggests that the effect of a weaker euro helping exports is fading while domestic demand will sustain growth but not at the high rates of Q2. In other words, Germany is forecast to grow at around 2% this year and slower in 2011 (probably around 1.5%), while France and the Euro Zone will hover at around 1% provided there is no second banking crisis.

 

But, as there is still the lingering doubts over the euro itself, Britain is still enjoying the stability associated with having its own currency. But, this can be eroded if inflation expectations change with the persistently above-target CPI which will remain throughout this year and next year as VAT will go up another 2.5 percentage points in January. Some volatility though is still likely better than the travails of the single currency in the views of most.

 

13 August 2010 Germany rebounds, now to sustain it

 

Four quarters after the end of recession, Germany grew at 2.2% quarter-on-quarter in 2010Q2. It is a rebound from the worst contraction in GDP and exports in the post-war period, helped by the euro losing steam in 2010. But, the euro has recovered a great deal to around the $1.30 level from the low of $1.19 at the beginning of June and the global economy looks weaker in the second half of the year with slower growth expected in the U.S. and China. The June contraction in industrial output by -0.1% in the euro area is a harbinger of a slower pace for the second half of the year.

 

The Euro Zone's 1% growth rate is up as a result, but masks the tepid growth of the peripheral countries of Spain and Portugal (0.2%) and Greece's ongoing recession (-1.5%). This points to the inability of these countries to absorb Germany's surplus and signals a slowdown in growth after this quarter for Germany and the Euro Zone.

 

More promisingly, unemployment continues to fall in Germany and employment and consumption are up. The re-employment of the "short-time" workers is related to the export rebound, but points to ongoing confidence that growth will continue albeit at a more moderate pace. It will look more like the French picture of 0.6% growth in Q2, which is not as spectacular but sustainable as it reflects good consumption growth. The balance that Germany has to strike is to support income growth to generate domestic demand while maintaining export competitiveness. With weakness in global demand, it will need to shift more towards the former to achieve a stable growth rate.

 

Today's figures point to a "two speed" Europe with the centre outpacing the periphery and does not mean that the banking woes related to the periphery have receded, as those can still derail the entire region's growth. 

 

10 August 2010 QE version II?

 

The Fed today will likely maintain the size of its balance sheet but not announce a new QE programme despite the growing concerns over a douple dip recession in the U.S. One of the main drivers is actually a fear about debt-related deflation as CPI declines and M2 barely registers growth.

 

The Fed can do so by tweaking both sides of its balance sheet. On the asset side, it can purchase more securities (Treasuries, mortgage-backed securities) once existing ones are paid back. Correspondingly, it can shrink the liability side by reducing the interest rate paid on bank deposits (the so-called excess reserves above what banks must deposit with the Fed) which will mean an expansion of the monetary base. There isn't a great scope to do so, but 25 basis points can make a difference though there are also other reasons related to rebuilding balance sheets that have led banks to significantly increase their deposits with the Fed.

 

The hard question, though, is whether this will be a mere symbolic move. Maintaining a $2.3 trillion balance sheet isn't quite the same as QE II, say another round of  QE when the Fed purchased $1.4 trillion in assets (including $1 trillion in mortgage-backed securities). But, then again, an expansion of that scale would raise questions about whether the Fed is monetising the national debt. However, the lack of effective policy tools (monetary policy has hit the zero bound while fiscal policy has lost political support due to the growing debt) to address the weakness of the economy  would also be a serious concern.

 

Additionally wiith inflation on the horizon and deflation looming in the near term, the Fed has a lot to balance at its meeting today. A small but symbolic gesture may be what is needed to signal activism, but not tip this delicate balance.

 

29 July 2010 The "unusually uncertain" outlook for the U.S. economy

 

The median forecast of around 2.5% growth for the second quarter looks about right. Most likely, the 2Q figure released tomorrow will register a slower pace than the first quarter of 2.7%, which is below the trend growth rate of the U.S. economy. It is not unexpected as the aftermath of a financial crisis typically means that the ensuing credit constraints make for a weak rebound instead of the usual recovery from a recession of this depth. Also, two very worrisome factors are that consumption remains subdued due to both de-leveraging and the damage to employment caused by the credit crisis where the U.S. now has the largest proportion of long-term or structural unemployed since WWII. Consumption is the largest and most important component of U.S. GDP accounting for 70% of national output and high levels of unemployment will be a significant drag on consumer sentiment. In terms of growth drivers, the inventory cycle has largely petered out so investment is likely to be weak. In fact, when inventory is stripped out of the Q1 figure, "final sales" increased by only 0.8% according to the BEA. And a widening trade deficit (exceeding 3% of GDP and growing), even though imports of oil have fallen, means that government spending remains the main driver (see July 14th post). However, fiscal stimulus is losing political support as seen by the difficulty in passing even a small employment benefits extension bill ($34 billion in the context of nearly $1 trillion in government spending, while a $30 billion bill to extend lending to small businesses by community banks is stalled). Also, measures such as the car scrappage scheme have pushed purchases ahead to the first part of the year along with the expiry in April of the homebuyers' tax credit leave the second half of the year in particular looking weak as the stimulus is withdrawn. Thus, there is even talk about keeping Bush's tax breaks for the rich, those earning over $250,000, which expires at the end of the year.

 

An overriding concern will be over unemployment -- not primarily due to its rate which is high (9.5% down from 10%), but the large proportion who are long-term unemployed. Of the nearly 15 million who are out of work, half have been unemployed for six months or longer. In the context of the financial crisis, these are likely to be the structurally unemployed, i.e., those who are jobless due to structual changes in the economy. Reducing their numbers requires job creation which takes longer than after a run-of-the-mill recession because the economy has to restructure itself, but also these workers would beed to adjust their skill sets to match the new jobs. Being unemployed for a long time erodes those very skills though. One of the particularly devastating corollaries of this crisis is that 1 out of 4 U.S. homeowners are in negative equity. The much vaunted flexibility labour market and high degree of labour mobility are dented by job seekers not being able to sell their homes.

 

The U.S. Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke has said that the second half of the year looks unusually uncertain. The U.S. is in danger of a double dip recession with serious implications for the global economy. The Q2 figure will probably be sufficient to calm markets, but after 4 quarters of expansion, the recovery is on shaky ground.

 

UPDATE 30 July 2010: U.S. Q2 growth was 2.4% just below the consensus forecast but worryingly shows that the slowdown is largely due to the growth contribution of inventory halving between Q1 and Q2 (2.64 to 1.05 percentage point contributions to growth) and consumption growth slowing from 1.9% to 1.6%. The revised figures by the BEA also reveal that the slowdown in growth is more pointed as 2009Q4 registered 5% (down from 5.6%) annual growth rate, 2010Q1 was 3.7% (up from 2.7%) followed by the 2.4% in 2010Q2. The recession was also deeper than previously thought as the peak-to-trough fall in GDP was revised upwards to 4.1% from 3.7%. It's no wonder that the stock market is reacting negatively to the release.

  

23 July 2010 Britain's strong 2nd quarter growth is fuelled a lot by construction

 

Construction contributed 0.4 percentage points to the second quarter GDP growth rate of 1.1%. Taking that off the growth rate would bring it in line with the consensus forecasts of around 0.5-0.7%. Construction accounts for 10% of the economy but is driving around 36% of growth. One reason is that it is a very pro-cyclical industry particularly dependent on credit, so it was the worst affected sector of the economy, down -11.1% in 2009 vastly exceeding the -4.9% drop in GDP. The bounce back of 6.6% growth in the second quarter could reflect the lost ground, especially since the sector had continued to contract in 2009Q4 and 2010Q1 when the economy had begun to grow. Also, bad weather in Q1 could have meant delayed construction work, so Q2 may also be picking up that effect as these are quarterly estimates.

 

Nevertheless, the strong growth of business sevices and finance is cheering, as that 0.4 percentage point contribution helped boost the services sector which is some three-quarters of the economy. Government spending contributed 0.2 percentage points to growth, but that is set to fall with the October spending review on top of the already announced tightening measures of some £6 billion. Thus, annual growth is still likely to come in around 1.2% unless construction continues to surprise. The next two revisions may well revisit this estimate as the first release is only based on 40% of the data. I wouldn't be too surprised if the GDP figure gets revised downwards in the coming months.

 

22 July 2010 How stressful must the European stress tests be to be credible?

 

The IMF has repeatedly criticised the European banks' stress tests for not being transparent enough including in yesterday's report on the euro zone, which is the whole point of the exercise and the key to credibility. I would also add that detail and plausible assumptions are needed.
 
One of the acknowledged problems is that individual countries undertook their own stress tests, so there is a lack of uniformity and murkiness over the conduct of the tests. Nevertheless, the main issue will be whether the tests are stressful enough, e.g., is there a realistic assessment of the ability to weather an economic downturn (yes), exposure to sovereign debt (no). The leaked information suggests that banks are only tested to see if they can withstand a "hair cut" of 17% on Greek debt and smaller percentages on other Club Med bonds when markets have priced in 40% to default.

 

The other major issue is if a bank looks weak and is asked to raise capital, then will the "shock and awe" package rescue them? The Club Med countries' banks have been going to the ECB because they can't, so any prescription for them to raise the capital will look vacuous.

 

The U.S. stress tests reassured markets because TARP stood behind the banks and they were also extremely detailed including opening individual bank balance sheets for analysts to conduct their own tests. Anything less from tomorrow will not be as reassuring, though expectations are very low for these tests so any information could just be viewed as an improvement over what we knew before.

 

UPDATE July 23rd: The tests appear to have done enough, though expectations were low to start with, but they have done two crucial things: reveal the extent of sovereign debt holdings and provided assurance of governmental help to recapitalise the banks. The release after the close of markets is clearly because of nervousness that markets will not react well to the 7 out of 91 banks which failed and a number of others are borderline. But, they have asked the banks to disclose their government bond holdings, even those which are on their banking books which were exempt from the stress tests which only covered their trading books because the former are asssumed to be held to maturity. This is a vast improvement that I mentioned yesterday so that analysts can conduct their own stress tests.

 

Another improvement is that governments announced the help that it would give banks. In the U.S., TARP stood behind the stress tests while until the 5 pm announcement, it wasn't clear that Europe had such a plan in place which was a criticism by the IMF earlier this week. But, the help that governments will give to their banks to help them raise around 3.5 billion euros in capital will be reassuring only if the governments themselves are able to raise it, e.g., Hypo in Germany failed but Germany will bail it out (especially as it is already nationalised) while there will be questions over Spain's ability to help its failed 5 banks and Greece with its 1 failed bank. This was a necessary step as the banks which most need capital are the same Club Med countries' banks which have been going to the ECB because they can't do so on their own. The small amounts needed will be covered by the bank bail-out portion of the "shock and awe" funds set aside for the Club Med countries and could reassure markets if they believe the results. The gauge of success of the exercise, of course, will be whether inter-bank lending rates come down on Monday, e.g., the Euribor.

 

16 July 2010 Exchange rate pass-through of inflation

 

A slew of inflation figures out this week showed that EMU CPI fell to 1.4% with a similar declining rate of 1.1% for the U.S., while the UK’s rate stayed above 3% at 3.2%. Despite the euro weakening against the U.S. dollar by 15% since the start of the year, a weaker euro has not contributed significantly to inflation unlike Britain. Given the danger of debt-related deflation, the weaker euro is operating positively for the economy in importing some inflation while boosting exports. Currency depreciation appears to be benefitting the EMU and the U.S., while Britain faces the prospect of an earlier interest rate rise by contrast.

 

A cheaper currency will make imported goods more expensive, so it is always inflationary at the outset. Exports, though over time, should benefit from a more competitive exchange rate and increase. This initial deterioration and then subsequent improvement in the balance of payments is known as the J curve effect. Provided that there is sufficiently elasticity in the demand for imports and exports, the Marshall-Lerner condition is met and there will be an improvement in the trade balance. More expensive imports should cause switching to domestically produced goods and vice versa in foreign markets. So, over time, the "price" effect from pricier imports is outweighed by the "volume" effect of selling more exports.

 

If, however, Britain exports primarily services that do not compete on price but quality in global markets such that any exchange rate advantage is absorbed into margins, then there may not be a very strong J curve effect. Even when Sterling devalued by 15% after the 1992 ERM collapse, the trade balance improved by half over the next 3-4 years but did not turn positive. The UK is more of a services economy now, which suggests a weaker effect. Germany's strong export growth of 9.2% in May, the highest for 10 years, suggests that the industrial power is benefitting from euro weakness. And, they could use some inflation to cope with debt de-leveraging, while the UK will watch warily as it has registered a trade gap in May that was worse than during the height of the recession.

 

15 July 2010 Can China stimulate its economy and tighten credit at the same time?

 

The answer is no, and that isn't what China is doing contrary to the perception generated by numerous credit curbs. The plan to issue 7.5 trillion RMB ($1.1 trillion) in loans in 2010 plus spend the rest of the $586 billion fiscal stimulus package by March 2011 are both expansionary policies. The increase in money supply should curb the increase in real interest rates associated with the boost to investment, supporting an expansion in output. The credit restrictions are designed to check inefficient investments, but the plan to expand credit remains and is roughly in line with the target M2 growth of around 17%.

 

China is comfortable with administrative measures and needs to be because its fixed exchange rate with an increasingly porous capital account prevents it from utilising interest rates to fine-tune its business cycle. Instead, it must rely on the judgement of its banks with some obvious downsides. However, the levers appear to be working as M2 has come down considerably to 18.5% in June from the unsustainable rate of nearly 30% recorded earlier in the year. It suggests that the growth rate is stabilising. Second quarter growth fell to 10.3% from 11.9% in the first quarter, bringing the first half GDP growth rate to 11.1%. They may not reach the 8% growth target, but at this stable pace, they won't be in danger of missing it by too much.

 

14 July 2010 The inevitable U.S. trade deficit

 

The widening of the U.S. trade deficit to a 18 month high in May despite growing exports and a fall in imported oil will raise the usual ire especially as the bilateral deficit with China grew by 15% and with the EU by 7.5% from the previous month. But, current account deficits derive not only from the external balance of traded goods and services, but also from the deficit of domestic savings over investment. The large trade gap in May reflects the scale of the U.S. budget deficit and the strong rate of inward investment into the American economy as well as the strengthening dollar.

 

The U.S. current account deficit is unlikely to fall back to its pre-crisis level because of the government's post-crisis level of indebtedness (the budget deficit is $1 trillion and expected to rise to $1.4 trillion this year or about 10% of GDP). The problems in the euro zone further bolster the reserve currency and "safe haven" effects of the U.S. dollar which will induce more investment inflows. Taken together, the current account deficit is likely to widen from its 2009 lows ($347.9 billion or 2.6% of GDP) to over 3% of GDP (the projected 2010 deficit is $475 billion).

 

So, the trade deficit is likely to continue to grow and global imbalances will remain. But, it is only worrisome if it starts to reach the level of 6% of GDP, as that reflected an unsustainable magnitude of global imbalances and U.S. indebtedness. So, countries like China and Germany have a role to play, but it is more complex than just currencies and re-orienting towards domestic demand. The issue is also the management of the reserve currency effect and the depth of U.S. financial development.

 

13 July 2010 A macroprudential tool

 

The G20 has rightly called for a leverage ratio to be part of the Basel III capital requirements for banks. It can serve as the needed “second instrument” for monetary policy to target not only inflation (where interest rates are the instrument) but also asset bubbles. It has become evident that central banks cannot rely on inflation targeting alone because the low inflation of the last decade led to the biggest asset bubble in a century. If they also monitor the “leverage cycle” where a growing leverage ratio signals the pace of asset price inflation, then there is an improved prospect of maintaining economic stability.

 

This would be in addition to the risk-weighted assets used to judge capital adequacy ratios and other rules which, such as liquidity requirements. Certainly, one of the other hotly debated topics at the meeting is liquidity requirements, e.g., global, 1 month versus 1 year coverage. This is important because the credit crunch highlighted the over-reliance of banks on the commercial paper market in the U.S.
 
The level of the leverage ratio will be difficult to determine. At the moment, some studies suggest a ratio based on the U.S. standard of 4.2% (allowing for a leverage multiple of around 25) but for it to be adjusted in a counter-cyclical fashion (7% in a boom to depress the gearing to 15 and lower it to 2% during a downturn to allow for a gearing of 50). Compared to the current capital adequacy ratio (8% of risk-adjusted assets under Basel II), it looks comparable. However, some banks believe that the capital ratio may be doubled under Basel III, so it would not look too out of line. But, as this would be on a non-risk-adjusted basis, the leverage ratio would have more bite, though it can be circumvented for the same reasons especially since different accounting standards currently pertain to U.S. versus European banks which make the latter seem more leveraged as fewer assets can be held off-balance sheet.
 
Finally, it has the potential to link micro-prudential with macro-prudential regulation. A leverage ratio could be both a tool for micro-prudential (regulating banks) and macro-prudential (managing systematic financial risk) regulations. For instance, the new Financial Policy Committee (FPC) in the Bank of England needs a tool like the MPC has (which is interest rates) in order to address systematic financial risk, namely, managing asset bubbles. Limiting loan-to-value (LTV) ratios could work but only for countries like the UK with high levels of mortgages while asset bubbles can be due to stocks and not necessarily housing. Rather, the "leverage cycle" picks up on the correlation between the growth of leverage and asset prices, so a counter-cyclical instrument such as a varying leverage ratio rooted in micro-prudential regulation could be very useful as a policy tool and should be set as part of Basel III.

 

12 July 2010 Why there should be two Offices for Budget Responsibility

 

Although a good idea, the newly established Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) in the UK has come under criticism over its independence. Its belief in the effective implementation of the government's policies led it to downgrade public sector job losses and to forecast growth in the face of severe austerity plans that has given the coalition government political cover. As every forecaster relies on assumptions that can be influenced by context (in this instance by the revenue projections of HM Treasury), a better solution is to follow the American model and have two separate bodies -- one based in the legislative branch, the other in the executive branch. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) based in the U.S. Congress and the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) based in the White House each produces figures from different premises on the impact of the same policies, allowing at least for a compare-and-contrast exercise. In the UK, one could be based in the Treasury and the other in Parliament. Neither will be independent, but two estimates are better than one in providing growth estimates.

 

This debate over whether a fiscal body can be truly independent stems from the revelations on Friday about the last minute downgrade of public sector job losses by the OBR ahead of the Budget. The assumption behind their model is that the government will be able to implement a two year public sector pay freeze and public sector pension reform. The OBR reduced the anticipated job losses from 775,000 to 600,000 by 2015/16. This enabled the Prime Minister David Cameron to claim that the coalition plans will produce fewer job losses over the Parliament than the previous Labour government even though the current Budget is more austere (460,000 versus 490,000 by 2014/15). This, and other criticisms related to the premises used in the model such as market gilt rates remaining below 5%, will have to be answered for by Sir Alan Budd, the interim head of the OBR, before Parliament tomorrow.

 

Although proposed as an alternative, the respected think tank, the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS), is a different creature. They accept the government's forecasts, but then analyse the impact of the various spending decisions to work out what the fiscal policy decisions really entail, e.g., do the numbers add up as the government claims? The IFS does not forecast economic growth which requires forming a set of assumptions about revenue growth and the effectiveness of planned policies. They often say that they do not have access to the Treasury's revenue data so cannot do so.

 

The OBR can as it works with the Treasury, but is also the reason why it is facing heat. For instance, the OBR assumes that bond markets will accept the Budget as credible so it uses historically low interest rates in its forecasts. The OBR plainly acknowledges this to be circular in that they base their model on the supposed market belief while their forecast gives credibility to the Budget that in turn sways markets. It isn't a bad idea to have an independent fiscal body, but two different forecasts using the government's data will be more plausible than one produced by a group that sits within the Treasury even if the OBR physically moves out of the building.

 

10 July 2010 Valuation of the RMB

 

The U.S. Treasury has decided not to brand China as a currency manipulator in its delayed semi-annual report, but insisted that the RMB is under-valued. It likely is but the nominal exchange rate with the U.S. dollar doesn't give the whole picture. The real exchange rate (adjusting for relative prices) would suggest that there has already been real appreciation against the dollar and even more so against the euro, particularly as the single currency has weakened from 1.45 at the start of the year to around 1.27 to the dollar on Friday. Therefore, the real effective exchange rate of the RMB has experienced appreciation since the fixed nominal rate forces the real exchange rate to adjust to the strong inflationary pressures in China (annual inflation was 3.1% in May and rising) versus the near deflationary stance of the USA (May CPI was just 0.1% month-on-month) and in the euro zone (0.1% in June). Add in its other trading partners, the picture looks even more pressing.

 

This is a strong reason for "normalising" the exchange rate back to the pre-crisis regime, but not one that will appease critics in the U.S. Congress as China's exchange rate has only moved upwards by 0.77% since de-pegging in June. But, even that was a good sign since the mid-point of the rate has been shifting beyond the 0.5% trading band. Again, it is unlikely to be viewed as good enough.

 

7 July 2010 Austerity versus spending

 

Austerity can deliver economic growth if it keeps interest rates low and borrowing costs in turn determine whether a government can continue to spend. That is the lynchpin and why countries which face rising borrowing costs (Greece, Spain) must cut public spending while countries with record low interest rates (U.S., Germany) need not -- and why Germany has been subject to American criticism as a result. The looming failure of the mini-stimulus desired by the Obama administration in America, though, suggests that the debate is already shifting with a wide gulf between the President's advisors and others (see David Brook's entertaining take on this in today's International Herald Tribune).

 

Recovery can only come about if private sector demand (consumer spending, investment, exports) increases and that occurs if interest rates are low and credit is available for businesses as well as unemployment not becoming a serious drag (thus, the U.S. wanted to push through another round of spending to support employment). That is normally how recovery is sustained, i.e., when the public sector fades away (becomes austere) and the private sector rebounds usually on the back of loose monetary policy (low interest rates) which increases disposable income and the keeps financing cheap. Recall in normal recessions, there is hardly any discretionary fiscal stimulus and monetary policy does the work. Indeed, disposable incomes rose during this recession, but leveraged households paid back debt instead of spending.

 

The European sovereign debt crisis raises serious challenges because of the uncertainty surrounding the banks and thus credit (which is not unexpected after a financial crisis), but the weakness of the euro as a result can boost exports, which is the usual recovery mechanism for the EU. However, that depends on global demand and subject to the "adding up" problem where all countries are seeking to do so, including the so-called final goods markets of the U.S. (which wants to double its exports within the next 5 years) and China (still retaining its export-orientation). Germany's industrial output is up on the back of strong exports at present, which suggests that it could be less austere, for instance, and go ahead and cut taxes as their coalition partners want particularly as that could help with their structural reforms and re-orientating more toward domestic demand.

 

1 July 2010 Jobs and austere Britain

 

It's not surprising that cutting at least 25% from departmental spending will produce unemployment of some 6000,000 over the next 5 years (a similar number was lost during the 1980s austerity drive of a like magnitude) or that 700,000 private sector jobs will be lost before the effects of this recession plays out. Unemployment tends to rise for a while after the technical end of a recession, so it's only been 6 months and the joblessness figure of 2.5 million is somewhat low for a recession of this depth.

 

What was a little surprising was the prediction of this leaked document from the Treasury that job creation will average 500,000 per year or over 40,000 per month for the next 5 years. Not only has the UK never produced that many jobs even during the unsustainable boom years (only about amount was created during the fast growing decade under Labour from 1997 with a large number of public sector jobs and this is in half the time), the aftermath of the financial crisis and the resultant credit crunch makes this an unlikely scenario. Typically, it takes longer to recover from a banking crisis for this reason than a normal recession, so the job figures look even more questionable.

 

Even if the government achieves this, then after 5 years of break-neck job growth, employment will still be some 1.5 million lower (just under 30 million in 2016 as compared with 31.5 million in December 2007) while the population is growing, meaning that the employment rate will be lower than pre-crisis. This fits with the trend growth rate (or full employment growth rate) falling from 2.75% to 2.1%, which implies a lower equilibrium level of employment when the economy is growing at potential. Another way of putting this is that our unemployment rate will be higher than the low 5-6% that we have enjoyed (5.2% was the lowest rate that was achieved during the 1990s/2000s boom). All the more reason for the Budget to focus more on recovering that trend growth path so that we are not condemned to higher unemployment and a lower standard of living and income.

 

24 June 2010 Why financial regulation should be top of the G20 agenda

 

There are certainly some issues that such a forum can tackle this weekend, but others where national interest clearly dominate, like whether fiscal stimuli should continue. Of course, the only country which can afford to do so is the United States given that they enjoy the low borrowing costs of being the world's issuer of the reserve currency.

 

Instead, there are truly global matters like financial regulation and global imbalances. This is not to say that there has to be an "one-size-fits-all" policy, but only that some coordination has to be had given the global nature of capital markets. See my June 4th post on the main tools being debated: bank levies versus capital/liquidity requirements, proposed respectively by the IMF and the Financial Stability Board, both having been charged by the G20 to look into the issue.

 

Global imbalances are international but the causes are also domestic (exchange rates are only part of the story). Even more importantly, it is not clear what can be done by the G20 about global imbalances. Will the U.S. raise interest rates if India experiences liquidity generated by the dollar carry trade? Improved monitoring of capital flows would help and warnings can be issued, as the IMF has been charged to do. This leaves financial regulation as warranting the focus of the G20. If they can make progress here and coordinate the multiple regulations and policies being adopted around the U.S. and Europe already, then that would be worthwhile.

 

22 June 2010 Three things on economic growth to watch out for in the UK Budget today

 

The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) has downgraded the growth rate for next year onwards from the original Budget, implying a percentage point difference between the previous forecast (3.25-3.75% to around 2.6-2.8% from 2011-14 (1.3% this year). This would normally imply an increase in the deficit of around 1% of GDP or £14 billion to the original borrowing figure. However, because revenue growth (which is extrapolated from economic growth) has been stronger than expected despite the weak recovery, the total borrowing figures based on the last government's Budget was only slightly worse (£71 billion as opposed to £74 billion by 2014). So, the first thing to watch for is what the expected revenues are given the new growth forecasts.

 

However, the trend growth rate when the economy recovers after 2014 has been downgraded to 2.1% from 2.75% due to the realistic expected loss in productive capacity from the financial crisis. This means that the structural deficit will be larger as there has been a collapse not only in the tax base but the OBR further says that slower migration will also reduce productivity. This can be righted, but taking the OBR's estimates of the structural deficit, around 8% of GDP, increases the present value of the spending gap (estimated from 2015) from £70 billion to around £77-80 billion. Given that the departmental budgets (known as departmental expenditure limits or DELs, that is, excluding the protected NHS and aid) and not counting the AME (annual managed expenditure which refers to social security, debt interest, local authority), amount to around £350 billion in annual spending (DELs account for just under 60% of central governemnt spending), a near 30% cut is implied if the Chancellor plans to eliminate the structural deficit in this Parliament. If tax rises fill 20% of the gap (according to the Tories preferred split), then some £16 billion will need to be found. Accepting the previous Budget's tax rises on the rich but also their desire to raise the income tax threshold and reverse Nhe rise in National Insurance for employers, further tax rises are likely, including VAT. An increase to 20% or 21% would raise over £11 billion, but that may sting in terms of their claims to be "progressive" since VAT, though not distortionary, is regressive in that it affects the poor disproportionately as all flat taxes do. So, we'll hear for the first time what the Chancellor thinks the structural deficit is and the speed by which he will reduce it, all of it by the end of the Parliament?

 

Finally, with growth at just 0.3% this year thus far (2010Q1), cutting government spending by around 20% in cumulative terms is expected to reduce growth as government now accounts for 48% of GDP (a very/too high amount that is second only to France in the G7). But, the Chancellor is expected to say that it will be temporary and low interest rates will support a stronger growth rate (in time for the next General Election). That is only likely to be true if interest rates stay low which can happen if the fiscal consolidation is credible to bond markets. Though, bond markets often look askance at a return to recession so the outcome will depend on how mild the "double dip" is thought to be. The Americans certainly aren't risking it, as President Obama has warned ahead of the G20 summit this weekend. But, then they have the joy of being the global reserve currency.

 

UPDATED 16.00: I mentioned during the live BBC coverage that it would be hard for the Chancellor to stick to his 80/20 split between spending cuts and tax rises given the larger than expected structural deficit, which he confirmed is 0.8% or £12 billion per year larger than previously thought. He is proposing a 77/23 split which is not too far off but is much closed to a 3:1 than 4:1 approach when a smaller share of taxes would be preferable based on studies of successful fiscal consolidations around the world (especially Canada which undertook a similar 8 percentage point adjustment to GDP over a similar time frame). But, as he has had to cut deeper (25% instead of 20%) from departmental budgets, he had little choice but to raise VAT to 20% which will raise £13 billion per year. Even then, the depth of the cuts is such that it may and may still strain credibility. There are a few interesting things about growth that I flagged before.

 

First, he will eliminate the structural deficit within 4 years, but not cause a recession because he (and the Office for Budget Responsibility) believe that the weaker growth rate as a result of these deep cuts will increase the "slack" or spare capacity int  e economy that will help keep inflation in check and thus interest rates low. The OBR's forecast is premised on the 3 month inter-bank rate (LIBOR) rate to May 25th (page 13 in the OBR Pre-Budget Forecast) which was a mere 0.5%. The OBR themselves say that they are basing this on the presumed credibility of the Emergency Budget. So, if the cuts are so deep that they can't be implemented with unions or cutting around £80 billion per year (extra £30 billion on top of the previous Budget's £50 billion) that translates into £61 billion (another £17 billion on top of the original £44 billion) from departmental budgets lacks credibility since there will no public sector pay cuts, for instance, just a two-year pay freeze, then interest rates might go up. Even though the cuts won't be possible until after the Spending Review, cutting £80 billion per year when the economy is only expected to grow by £62 billion this year (OBR page 32 showing increase in nominal GDP from £1.476 trillion in 2010/11 o £1.538 trillion in 2011/12) could readily result in a "douple dip" recession.

 

My take is that he won't cut that much this year and as the tax increases largely won't take effect until 2011 (VAT goes up on January 4th, 2011), the economy will be stronger next year (2.3% vs. 1.25% growth this year) so it will be better able to bear it. The debate over cutting now or later seems really moot. But, the dependence on interest rates is an issue. VAT has increased inflation by 1 percentage point according to the ONS' Economic and Labour Market Review (April 2010 edition) to 3% because of the reversion of VAT in January to 17.5%, so an increase of 2.5%. Next January, there will again be an increase of 2.5%, so inflation may well not fall back to the target of 2%. If it remains above target, then interest rates may be forced to rise. Alternatively, the Bank of England sells its £200 billion of gilts when it unwinds the Quantitative Easing programme and gilt yields rise because the supply of government bonds is now 20% larger -- though the BoE Governor Mervyn King has said that he would raise rates first. It all comes down to whether bond markets believe this Budget is credible when it starts to be implemented. Without bringing the country along, it won't be. But, that judgement will be taken by the bond markets and not the Chancellor or the OBR or the Bank of England. This was a fairly frank Budget setting out the numbers to bring the books into balance over 5 years; the next step is whether the coalition has done enough to generate a consensus in the country in order to successfully implement it. 

 

21 June 2010 As expected but the timing of RMB de-pegging still managed to surprise

 

The quiet announcement today by the PBC, the People's Bank of China, that China will increase the flexibility of the exchange rate strongly suggests that the RMB will de-peg from the U.S. dollar. The likely outcome is a return to the previous exchange rate regime operative from July 2005 to mid 2008 which was a managed exchange rate that was pegged to a trade-weighted basket of currencies, which though undisclosed, seemed to be weighted heavily to the dollar and the euro. The RMB appreciated by 21% against the dollar during that period, but since the global crisis the RMB has been re-pegged to the dollar at a strict 6.83 RMB to 1 U.S. dollar.

 

China has numerous economic reasons to "normalise" their exchange rate, namely, the inflationary pressures associated with the cheap RMB as imports are more expensive -- especially energy and commodities. The money supply (M2) has been growing above target at over 20% year-on-year while asset bubbles are forming in the housing and stock markets, fuelled in part by "hot money" inflows chasing the 500 basis point differential between U.S. and Chinese interest rates. The dollar peg forced China to import the U.S. zero interest rate policy, which is clearly unsuited to its current above-trend growth rate of 11.9% in the first quarter of the year. Other benefits of a more flexible currency include facilitating overseas investments as China prowls the globe seeking commodities and cheap Western commercial assets as part of their "going global" strategy, which requires capital account liberalisation and therefore greater exchange rate flexibility. Capital outflows will reduce the need for reserve accumulation to balance the current account (reducing another worry over the value of Treasuries) and the Chinese are even using their reserves to fund such investments.

 

They hadn't wanted to reform the exchange rate though because the government wished to preserve the margins of exporters and forestall unemployment particularly of migrants working in export factories, the recent cause of much protests and the victims of the global recession for fear of instability. However, the weakening of the euro by 15% against the dollar since the start of the year meant that the RMB was strengthening against the currency of its largest trading partner, the EU. Many of the 27 EU nations shadow the euro even if they are not part of the 16 member Euro Zone. The margins were now being squeezed in any case.

 

The economic rationale was pressing, but the problem was political. Western/American pressure was viewed as making it such that the Chinese could not reform the RMB without "losing face" and would also be seen as shouldering the blame for the global imbalances, a problem that still plagues the global economy as the lack of re-balancing is now thought to be potentially affecting the recovery, i.e., the argument is that a fixed RMB prevents de-leveraging countries (USA) from reducing their deficits, though there are other reasons as well for the lack of complete re-balancing including the large U.S. fiscal deficit.

 

There appeared to be a tacit understanding between the Americans and the Chinese at their last semi-annual summit in May that there would be a window before the G20 summit this coming weekend for the Chinese to act. The Americans said then that the RMB was the business of the Chinese and would hold off on the issuance of a report that could have labelled China a "currency manipulator" until then. If the Chinese moved before the summit, then it would not be viewed as caving to either the U.S. or the G20. President Obama's open letter this week seemed to be a reminder to China when he pointed to the need for exchange rate flexibility to help the global economy re-balance. Indeed, the U.S. and G20 countries immediately cheered this move, and the RMB can now de-peg as the Chinese had wanted for some months now.

  

15 June 2010 Less spare capacity = persistent inflation in the UK?

 

Inflation is supposed to be low during a bad recession/weak recovery because as the economy climbs back to its long-run growth potential, idle factors like capital and labour get redeployed so growth occurs without generating inflationary pressures. But, UK inflation has been on an upward trajectory since the recovery began, exceeding 3% since the start of the year and at 3.4% in the May estimates by the ONS.

 

The Bank of England believes that this will come down by the second half of the year because of one-off factors associated with weak Sterling and rising global energy prices. This is known as the J-curve effect in that a cheap currency will initially import inflation (see the 22% year-on-year rise in fuel prices largely imported & transport accounting for half of the 3.4% CPI rate) until exporters adjust their margins and the volume impact of cheaper exports outweighs the price effects of imports, leading to lower inflation and stronger growth induced by exports.

 

But, what if spare capacity is less than thought, e.g., the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) has halved the estimate from 4% to 2% of GDP. Less spare capacity means that growth will generate inflationay pressure which the OBR puts at 3% CPI this year until the VAT increase falls out of the annual comparison in January 2011. In other words, the OBR believes that the financial crisis has destroyed productive capacity (they had downgraded the UK trend growth rate to 2.1% from 2.75% as well) so this is not a usual recession and thus there is not that much spare capacity.

 

Unemployment hasn't risen as much as the fall in output would suggest adding more credence to the view that inflation may be more persistent as fewer people out of work means more inflationary pressure as the economy recovers. Business surveys also suggest that spare capacity is lower than what a recession of this depth would imply, so there is destroyed capacity. So, if the OBR is right and the Bank of England has begun down this line of questioning as well in their latest Quarterly Inflation Report. 3% CPI all year will mean 12 letters to the Chancellor by the BoE. If they don't act, then inflation expectations may well take hold if inflation stays above target for this long. Interest rates may need to rise before the end of the year. If that happens coupled with a larger deficit cutting exercise due to the structural deficit rising by around 0.7% to 8% of GDP according to the OBR, then the simultaneous tightening of fiscal and monetary policy will be certainly put downward pressure on growth which is only expected to be around 1% this year.

 

4 June 2010 Does a global bank levy deter risk?

 

The core of the G20 debate is over deterrring risk in the banking system. Despite early indications that such a levy was not only being proposed by the IMF for the G20 and found strong favour in the U.S. and EU -- where an European-wide tax is already under discussion -- the strong opposition by Canada and seemingly other countries like Japan and Australia as well as developing economies look to derail its adoption at the upcoming G20 summit.

 

The rationale for a global bank levy is more to do with generating revenue than detering risk, at least the flat version. This makes it an attractive proposition for countries which have had to bail-out its banks but not for others like Canada which did not since a tax will increase cost that will likely be passed onto businesses which already pay a higher cost of capital due to the heavily regulated banking sector. If the levy were instead on financial activities (the second IMF proposal), then that may better deter risk, though the "Tobin tax" is often more objectionable to banks than other forms of levies. Taxing banker bonuses don't seem to work as was seen in Britain's attempt to to do so. Taxing firms that pay bonuses in an attempt to reduce the bonus-linked trading that increases risk-taking only appeared to generate more revenue as banks were willing to pay the tax in order to gain the trading income.

 

Capital and liquidity requirements could deter risk but fall short of coping with the "too big to fail" issue, so resolution schemes are being proposed. That combination is likely to do more to reduce risk. But, given that banks are special and will be bailed out, a levy or splitting them into retail and investment banks may be the answers. But, these are the answers to a different question than risk deterrence.

 

25 May 2010 The U.S. spends while Europe has to cut during the euro crisis

 

The U.S. has proposed a mini-stimulus of $200 billion to counter the weak global recovery whilst markets across the world fell on the same recognition that the euro crisis has implications beyond Europe. Small to the U.S., but a fiscal stimulus of around 1.5% of GDP was all that most economies could muster if that -- recall when the IMF exhorted the G20 to spend at least 2% of GDP and many balked. At least the U.S. can borrow to spend, especially as the dollar strengthens against the euro. The European nations are in the unenviable position of having to cut spending while growth is fragile. Although 2010Q1 recorded a 0.2% growth for the euro area, the 2009Q4 figure was 0% or stagnation after recovering in 2009Q3.

 

But, it's not surprising that the euro area countries have to tighten. The euro crisis has caused a near market panic about sovereign credit risk. Some may say that this is okay since the deficit has to be cut and the pressure to do so will bring down intererst rates, laying a better foundation for medium-term growth than the U.S. which has no plans for fiscal consolidation. However, the U.S. enjoys low cost of borrowing in any case as the global reserve currency so it already gains the largest benefit of austerity.

 

For Europe, though, it has a balancing act. Fiscal tightening has to be credible but doled out at a pace that doesn't cut too deeply into GDP. Doing so can help monetary policy stay loose that boosts the largest sectors of the economy (consumption and investment) that in turn allows government spending to fall. This all sounds straightforward except that interest rates may also go up because of inflation. The Euro Zone economies aren't worried about it now, but that is a possible outcome of a weak euro. In which case, a serious "double dip" recession would be on the horizon.

 

24 May 2010 The age of austerity

 

Britain got a small taste of what is to come when the Chancellor George Osborne announced £6.25 billion in public spending cuts with £500 million to be recycled into pro-employment policies for the young and social housing. The arguments over whether this will jeopardise the recovery comes again to the fore. At less than 1% of public spending, it is unlikely to be make that difference. Ricardian equivalence and credibility on bond markets both came up in the speeches with the latter being more important in terms of interest rates.

 

However, even this "low hanging" fruit does not appear to be all "efficiency savings" or cutting government "waste." Low-value programmes will be cut, like the budgets for regional development agencies, totalling £520 million. No wonder the unions are already braced. Also, most departments will have to find closer to 3-5% of cuts instead of 1% because discretionary spending (via not ring-fenced departmental budgets so not the NHS, education, defence, overseas aid and excluding debt interest payment) is £400 billion or 57% of the £704 billion total managed expenditure for 2010-11. Again, if finding £6 billion cuts into programmes, then cutting more than that -- say in the June 22nd Emergency Budget when cuts of up to 17.5% (£70 billion structural deficit or 6.9% of GDP out of £400 billion) -- will surely require "real" cuts and not waste.

 

The question is whether this all will mean stronger growth in the medium term. Shrinking the size of the state and keeping interest rates low can lead to better growth prospects. But, it is not a given. Thus, the cuts should be accompanied by strategic reform of government so that what is spent can boost future productivity growth. It would also make the cuts all the more palatable. Doing so is more than good politics. It also ensures that this "collegiate" agreement to be austere brings the public along and the UK can avoid the fate of the Club Med countries in the Euro Zone.

 

17 May 2010 Why the euro is likely to remain weak

 

The euro is trading at near record lows against the U.S. dollar, having fallen all week despite the 750 billion euro (440 billion in guarantees by Euro Zone countries + 250 billion euros from the IMF + 60 billion euros from the EU using its 141 billion euro annual budget as collateral to create this balance-of-payments facility) package detailed last week to shore up flailing peripheral countries.

 

One of the reasons is that this package was further backed up by an open-ended commitment by the ECB to purchase government bonds on the secondary market. It bolstered markets initially by showing the seriousness of the "shock and awe" package, but didn't last because it all looks inflationary. Both deficit spending and liquidity expansion increase inflationary pressures which weakens a currency by eroding the real value of the goods and services produced in a country. Thus, to "sterilise" the purchases (i.e., prevent inflation as the ECB expands its balance sheet to buy Greek debt and possibly others), it will sell existing holdings (which will predominately be "good" government bonds like Germany bunds as the ECB holds very little other types of assets). An obvious implication is that yields on Greek debt may fall but the sell off of German bonds will depress the price and thus push up the yields so as to increase the borrowing costs for Germany. (Just wait until the German voters work this out).

 

The ECB is trying to look very hard not to be seen as monetising Euro Zone debt, that is, creating money to buy debt issued by governments. Some may say that is what QE was in the USA and UK when their central banks expanded their balance sheets in order to expand money supply during the credit crunch which had the practical effect of buying up newly issued government debt. However, the cover story is important. Open market operations (or QE in its present incarnation though it is supposed to be different insofar as it includes the ability to purchase corporate paper in response to a frozen credit system -- which was the case in the USA but not in the UK because of the small size of the corporate bond market in Britain) by definition involve buying government bonds to increase liquidity. It is not a direct effort by a central bank to buy government bonds because no one else wants to buy them (or in this case, private investors would buy such debt and then sell it on the secondary market to the ECB since the ECB is not allowed to make direct purchases for this very reason). That is the definition of inflating away public debt (or seignorage where money is created to pay for government spending), the very policies which had led to hyper-inflation in developing countries such as in Latin America and historically in Weimar Germany.

 

Again, there are those who will say that it amounts to the same thing, so the ECB has nothing to worry about as it has a solid anti-inflationary reputation built upon the track record of the Bundesbank. Hyper-inflation is unlikely to ensue because the institution does have credibility, but that does not change the inflationary tendency now built in since the ECB presumably will not sell assets in the immediate term given the borrowing needs of the more solid Euro Zone countries, so it will expand its balance sheet. The currency swap arrangement with the U.S. Fed is in effect a loan of dollars to allow the ECB to more easily lend in dollars in Europe. The Fed will do this by further increasing its balance sheet. The alternatives of a secondary banking crisis triggered by sovereign defaults or a collapse in the economies of Europe are sufficiently distasteful enough that the Americans have stepped in and undertaken the equivalent of monetary expansion that will reverberate back in the U.S. with this increase in liqudiity by the Fed in Europe.

 

All of this results in a weak euro, especially because this is a structural and not a liquidity crisis for indebted countries like Greece, Portugal and Spain (as well as Ireland). Therefore, these extraordinary undertakings are just to buy time for these countries to reform their economies. Given the potentially high price, one wonders if there were other options. Short of leaving the euro, Greece and the other larger troubled countries could have been rescued by the IMF by allowing it to expand its stock of SDRs (special drawing rights). SDRs are a basket of currencies comprised mostly dollars, one-third in euros and small portions of yen and Sterling. In effect, this is what has essentially happened given the Fed and ECB actions. It may have taken too long to have gotten agreement do to so (Britain may well not have agreed given its refusal to help with Euro Zone debt due to its own gaping deficit) and the issue of ceding sovereignty of the euro would have arisen, but the length of the efforts to get this eventual rescue package together offered sufficient time to have sought out these alternatives. The IMF would have been brought in anyways because that is what the Germans wanted to ensure that the structural reforms are done. It means that the ECB could have been left out of this (which is that Jean-Claude Trichet adamantly wanted) and the future of the euro would not be left in even more doubt since the independence of the central bank is now also being questioned on top of the shambles of the Maastricht Treaty since the "growth and stability pact" clearly has not been able to impose fiscal discipline -- which together comprise the core of the stability of the single currency. Until all of this is settled, euro weakness may not be short-lived.

 

12 May 2010 Mix-and-match deficit reduction plan of the new UK coalition government

 

If markets were waiting for the new government to spell out a credible plan to close the budget deficit, then they will have to wait another 50 days for the Emergency Budget for those details. The Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition negotiation agreement does, though, confirm a few things. Each side largely got to keep their campaign promises. There will be £6 billion in spending cuts this year and a partial reversal of the planned increased in National Insurance from April 2011 -- meaning that employees face a 1p increase in NI but not employers. Economically, this makes sense because the "jobs tax" only applies if employers are taxed on every job, while for employees, a rise in NI is similar to a rise in income tax and does not affect the employment decision. The Tories, therefore, have compromised but largely will get to deliver their main manifesto pledges. Though the partial reversal of NI is a compromise so that the Lib Dems can begin to achieve their main manifesto pledge, which is to increase the tax threshold to £10,000. This is a very expensive policy that will cost £17 billion, so will be phased in. The NI rise plus taxing personal capital gains at usual income rates (no one will pay 18% anymore but 20%, 40% or possibly 50%) and taxing duties per plane instead of per passenger are all intended to fund this policy. In other words, the proposed tax cut will be revenue neutral, but the larger question of where the spending cuts plus tax rises to reduce the structural deficit remains unanswered.

 

The coalition government hasn't offered any new information on the speed and scale of cuts beyond the £6 billion to be cut this year (which is a very small amount). Worryingly, the only areas to be cut that were mentioned in the 'Deficit Reduction' section were the Child Trust Fund for middle income families (a very small £500 million in total is spent on creating bank accounts for the 800,000 newborns each year) and tax credits for higher earners (which were entirely unspecified). We'll have to wait for the Budget towards the end of June, but will that be able to spell out enough detail if the Spending Review (which sets departmental budgets) will not be conducted until the autumn? That was the reason given for the lack of detail in the manifestos. Well, one way to do it is to simply say that there will be across-the-board cuts of X% (depending on the extent of the protection of the NHS and overseas aid which take up 1/6th of the budget) plus X billion in tax rises (£14 billion if the coalition accepts the Tory's preferred mix of 80-20 spending cuts to taxes) to achieve £70 billion per year in savings. Coming up with funded tax cuts/revenue neutral measures surely will not be enough when the task is clear and has to be met -- even if it will make for a very unpopular government.

 

5 May 2010 Sovereign risk and the UK General Election

 

The 110 billion euro package fashioned by the Euro Zone countries and the IMF failed to assure markets even though it was a 3 year structured deal that had a realistic prospect of reducing Greece's deficit from 13% of GDP to 3% over 5 (and not 2-3) years. Speculation abounded that Portugal and Spain were next even though neither had misled markets about their borrowing. Ireland so far looks spared -- it hasn't suffered a downgrade of its sovereign debt and borrows at around 300 basis points above Germany bunds (unlike the 700 basis points for Greek debt back when they could sell some). 

 

Hardly a great backdrop to the British General Election. But, what lessons are there? One of the reasons why Ireland isn't on the radar despite also having double digit budget deficits is that it cut government spending including public sector wages despite being mired in recession. Ireland cut public sector wages by 5-15% depending on the salary, trimmed welfare but maintained pensions and the low rate of corporation tax at 12.5% -- which should reduce the deficit from 12% to 3% of GDP by 2014. Greece only agreed to do so when forced to by markets and now by the IMF. Portugal and Spain are both still in recession (as of the last quarter of 2009) so will not want to cut government spending and potentially worsen the recession. So, how is Ireland faring? Manufacturing growth looks promising but its economy will shrink by around 1.25-1.5% this year. Because of the severity of the recession, the Irish government thought that the deficit would have ballooned to 20% without the drastic measures. In other words, the Irish economy would not have grown in any case, so cutting now instead of later at least reduces expenditures (without raising much taxes) relative to a shrinking economy and revenue base. This is essentially the lesson to be swallowed by Greece. Even if the Greek economy is poised to shrink by 4% this year, cutting spending may worsen output but brings the amount of spending closer in line to revenue growth and therefore can help to stabilise the stock of debt. Even if the plan is more credible, bond markets still don't believe that it is implementable.

 

For countries where the cost of borrowing will outstrip the growth rate, austerity now safeguards the ability to borrow from bond markets. For the UK where yields are not too far off from the growth rate (4% nominal interest rate (plus 2% inflation, so 2% real interest rate) on the benchmark 10 year gilts compared with a 2% real growth rate -- assuming a reduction in the trend growth rate over the next few years by 0.75%), the choices are not as stark. As a big economy that has returned to growth (eeking out a 0.2% growth rate in 2010 1Q) and having debt denominated in its own currency, the prospects are manageable but still require a credible and implementable plan to reduce the structural deficit estimated to be 6.9% of GDP. The incoming government doesn't need to cut now to achieve a low cost of borrowing, but it will have to adopt real cuts (and not efficiency savings -- like the £6-11 bn claimed by Tories & Labour -- or reducing tax evasion as the Lib Dems are want to do and raise £4.6 bn) like the Irish on a credible timescale to keep it that way.

 

Another issue which comes up a lot is the effect of the Quantitative Easing (QE) programme on gilt yields or the interest rate paid on government debt. The Bank of England holds around £200 billion or around 1/4th of the market (see April 22nd post on UK debt stock reaching £890 bn). Would reversing QE increase supply, push down prices which are inversely related to yields? Probably, but I wonder how much of an effect it would have given that the government is due to borrow another £500 billion in any case over the next few years and probably more since the Budget's assessment of the structural deficit is based on fairly rosy growth figures. A stock of £1.4 trillion would be affected by £200 billion but the influence would wane over time. The bigger influence is like to be credibility of the deficit reduction plan. For instance, UK public spending is around £700 billion a year at present and the structural deficit is around £70 billion each year (in today's money), so that implies 10% across-the board cuts. Taking out the debt interest and benefit payments leaves around £500 billion (assuming some savings in social welfare), so that would mean cuts of around 14%. Assuming tax rises of around £20 billion (nearly 30%) would mean again cutting all departmental budgets by 10%. More if certain big departments like the NHS and schools are protected (that removes another 30% of the remaining £500 billion pie). Specifying these numbers after the General Election would do more to safeguard credibility than probably anything else.

 

22 April 2010 Why is the deficit so large in Britain?

 

One question that comes up fairly frequently is how the UK went from having one of the lowest levels of national debt (30.9% of GDP in 2001) to one of the highest among major economies (peaking at 74% in 2004/15 or closer to 100% according to the IMF). Today's public sector borrowing figures from the ONS show a record £163.4 billion borrowed in 2009/10 which is equal to 11.6% of GDP. Curiously, since it is lower than the £167 billion announced in the Budget, Sterling rose on the news but that might just be due to ongoing worries about the euro due to Greece and it's still down against the dollar.

 

One reason is the rescue of banks like Northern Rock, Bradford & Bingley, Lloyds and RBS, though the latter two are not entirely nationalised. The figures, therefore excluding financial intervention, show that the national debt is 54% of GDP or £772 billion instead of £890 billion. In other words, nearly £120 billion of borrowing is due to the bail-out of banks.

 

The other reason is the usual gap between revenues and spending. Compared with a year ago, the central government spent £36.6 billion more while tax receipts were £26.2 billion lower. The deficit is caused by higher spending due to more transfer payments during a recession, e.g., unemployment benefits, while the tax take has come down again due to lower levels of economic activity. Income and capital gains tax are down by £13 billion, interest and investment income by £3 billion, corporation tax by £10 billion, VAT by £4 billion... so the list goes on. By contrast, social spending is up by £14 billion, taking total current expenditure up by £37 billion. Last year wasn't a great year either, so if these figures are taken over years, the quick growth in the national debt is not surprising.

 

Without the rescues of the banks, the deficit would still be large due to the depth of the recession (6 quarters of negative growth shrinking the economy by 6.2% from peak-to-trough) which is reflected in the estimates of the large cyclical deficit, which is just over half of the deficit in this financial year. The painful part is the structural deficit -- the part of the deficit that won't disappear when the economy recovers as it has to do with the permanent damage caused by the financial crisis, including the loss in output due to the credit crunch. All of the fiscal tightening is rightly geared at that, though the cyclical element is expected to continue to plague the economy at the end of the next Parliament. The deficit will be 4.2% of GDP in 2014/15, of which 2.5% is the structural deficit. As around £30 billion of borrowing will be needed just to manage the cyclical short-fall in public expenditure/receipts, that is why there are those (including the Tories) who argue that the tightening has to happen faster and be deeper.

 

Britain grew faster than other economies because of the financial sector and it now faces the consequence, alongside the other financially powered economy, the USA which also has a deficit that exceeds 10% of GDP and an even worse unemployment rate. The public facing austerity over the next years will wonder if it was worth it?

 

21 April 2010 Economic policy dividing lines

 

On the BBC's The Daily Politics show's 2010 Election Debate on the Economy, the 3 would-be UK Chancellors had a second chance (after the first Chancellors' Debate on Channel 4 News a few weeks ago -- see March 29th post) to draw those dividing lines to put their case to the electorate. So, what have we learned?

 

All want to cut the budget deficit and support growth, but differ over the timing of cuts. The Tories want to do so now, while Labour and the Lib Dems want to wait until next year. (See my February 19th post analysing this issue.) Darling was questioned about whether the Tory proposal to cut £6 billion in waste from the public sector (less than 1/2% of GDP) this year would jeopardise the recovery and insisted that it would. Cable says this year has to be fiscally neutral and it's not just about £6 billion which wouldn't make a significant difference.

 

The larger issue surely is the pace and size of overall tightening to reduce the structural deficit. Under Labour or the Lib Dems, the structural deficit will be 2.5% of GDP and the budget deficit will still be 4.2% of GDP in 2014/15 (that is not ambitious enough when other economies in the Euro Zone have to bring it down to 3% and Germany is on course to eliminate it altogether, critics like the IMF have argued). Labour and the Lib Dems would reduce it by half while the Tories would go farther and get rid of the "bulk" over the next Parliament (in 5 years by 2014/15). Osborne wouldn't define what they mean by "bulk." They have identified around £8 billion more to squeeze (to eliminate the non-investment part of the structural deficit which will be 0.6% of GDP in 2015/16), so that means the tightening will be that much more than half of the estiimated £66 billion per year that the other parties are aiming for. 

 

The lack of detail of the spending cuts is a criticism rightly levied at all of the candidates. There is an estimated £30 billion yet to be specified in any of the manifestos. Cable insisted that they have done what they can with the available information, so an additional £10 billion on top of Labour's details have been articulated.

 

Taxes came next. Cable was under fire for supporting Labour's National Insurance rise opposed by the Tories. Darling jumped in to say that the Tories tend to announce tax cuts but not how they are funded to avoid worsening the deficit. A legitimate point, since being revenue neutral, say by financing a tax cut through efficiency savings may make sense during a normal budget but not when the tax rise itself was intended to fill a deficit hole.

 

NI as a "jobs tax" was again roundly debated as a divind line. So, if the Tories wouldn't do that then what would their 20% tax rise consist of? Income tax, corporation tax or VAT remain of the main categories of direct taxes. Osborne would not rule out a rise in VAT or reverse the new 50% top rate, but insisted that they would go for a 80/20 split between cuts and tax rises, as compared with Labour who would fund 30% through taxes and the Lib Dems who would rely only on spending cuts. It leaves the question partially answered since taxing the rich won't generate that 20% of £74 billion needed to make their numbers add up so it must mean that they will increase VAT or the basic rate of income tax.

 

Capital spending cuts was missed, though that is one of the main avenues of reducing public spending (falling by 14.9% per year until 2014, according to the IFS). Instead, Darling was allowed to say that spending cuts can be as damaging as tax rises because infrastructure investment supports the economy all the while Labour has planned to cut capital investments by around half over the next Parliament.

 

There was a lot more of the usual politicking -- finger pointing, accusations, warning about a "hung" parliament, leading to an IMF bail-out, etc., but no new information about economic policy. Perhaps the last leaders' debate on economic issues next week will shed more light.... it could be 3rd time lucky to gain some clarity on this crucial issue before polling day.

 

21 April 2010 A global bank levy on its way

 

The IMF has proposed two new global levies on banks to be considered at the weekend's meeting of the G20 finance ministers. The first, the "Financial Stability Contribution" is a flat levy to be paid by all banks to generate a self-insurance fund equivalent to 2-4% of each country's GDP, totalling around $1-2 trillion. It's about the amount that taxpayers have shelled out to bail out banks thus far. The second levy, called the "Financial Activities Tax" or FAT, is on the profits and remuneration of banks and this money can be paid into general revenue, meaning that it is not so much about insurance but to deter risk-taking behaviour where banks trade on the implicit guarantee that they are too important to fail and take home large pay packets while taxpayers pick up their losses. The first levy on bank balance sheets is essentially what President Obama had proposed in January to recoup taxpayers' money and the second is what Prime Minister Brown had imposed which is based on a similar principle but also in theory would try and change the bonus culture.

 

A perennial complaint about the self-insurance scheme is that it makes banks more complacent because they will now be certain to be bailed out. If, however, this crisis has made it clear that there is already an implicit guarantee in place, then making it explicit and forcing them to pay for it hardly seems objectionable. The IMF also recommended that resolution regimes or "living wills" be mandated alongside this scheme to address some of this moral hazard so that taxpayers will not be forced to bail out banks if they can fail without causing systemic collapse.

 

The part of the levy that is a more tentative is the proposal that the flat levy become linked to the systemic risk posed by a bank over time. The "too big to fail" problem has also hamstrung the Financial Stability Board (FSB) which had proposed similar levies (see my January 12th post) but hadn't entirely dealt with the problem of systematically important banks. The banks may protest, but a levy may be the best of the options out there for them. The other proposals would break them up into retail and investment banks, say as proposed by the UK Lib Dems. The U.S. Volcker rule would ban banks from proprietary trading, so it's also nearly a reversion to the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act. Before they protest too much, paying a graduated balance sheet levy and creating "living wills" are hardly the most radical of the options being considered.

 

The second levy, though, may end up generating revenue rather than deter risk-taking behaviour. This is the case with the UK bonus tax that instead of raising £500 million has instead generated £2 billion, which means banks are not paying less bonus but are willing to pay more tax even though the levy was designed to be paid by the institution instead of individuals for the purpose of changing the bonus culture. The IMF proposed levy is on both profit and remuneration so it goes beyond the bonus tax and is linked directly to the wage bill of banks. Banks which make a lot of money and pay high wages + bonuses will pay a higher levy. If, though, taxpayers will pick up the bill if their losses exceed that of the new self-insurance fund, then surely a "claw-back" provision to make bankers return pay for deals that have gone bad some time down the line would be better suited to deter excessive risk-taking. 

 

The part of the report that will sound sweet to the ears of the British political parties is where the IMF has recommended that this be done on a global basis to prevent regulatory arbitrage. Despite the popular contempt for banks much bandied about during the election campaign, no party wants to risk jeopardising London's position as a global financial centre. Financial services constitute around 8% of GDP and generates at least twice that much in, and possibly up to one-quarter of, corporate tax revenues. The Tories, in particular, will breathe a sigh of relief since they were wrong-footed in saying that they would act unilaterally and then retracted it when attacked by Labour to instead say that they were simply moving with the emerging global consensus. Now, it looks like as if they are... though the ink hasn't dried yet since not all countries (namely Japan and Canada which didn't have a banking crisis and who next chairs the G20 summit) are in favour of this fundamental change in the global regulatory regime for banks. With the U.S., Britain and even the normally conservative IMF going down this road, it looks like the question will be "when" and not "if."

 

15 April 2010 Manifestos and pledges

 

Looking at a couple of the key economic issues in the UK parties' manifestos, differences do exist but are there enough dividing lines to help voters decide who to vote for in the General Election?

 

Take banks, they are in for a harder time regardless of which party comes to power as all are keen on a global bank levy at the least. The biggest difference on this issue is between Labour and the Conservatives where the Tories would fundamentally change the regulatory system by dismantling the tri-partite system put in place by Gordon Brown in 1997 when he was Chancellor. Their rationale is that the current tri-partite system leaves no one in charge to oversee systemic risk and so they would return regulatory authority to the Bank of England. Labour had made the Bank of England "independent" and therefore only focused on a transparent inflation target while leaving the FSA to oversee banks, which was the trend in the 1990s when many major advanced economies went this way to emphasise the credibility of the central bank which would deliver only price stability and not have multiple and more opaque objectives. Gordon Brown may have apologised by not being stricter in regulating the banks, but he didn't admit to any errors on this fundamental issue.

 
On the very crucial issue of reducing the fiscal deficit, the parties haven't given enough detail to assess how far apart they really are. There are significant unspecified spending cuts that are needed (which have to go beyond just efficiency savings) that make it hard to judge the particular mix of cuts to tax rises which will be implemented. The Budget looks to be 2/3rd the former and 1/3rd the latter, while the Tories sound as if they will do a greater proportion of spending cuts to tax rises. Voters will certainly care about this issue as it will not only affect the economy's growth prospects (getting the timing and extent of austerity measures right) but also the quality of public services as well as the coverage of the inevitable tax rises (unlikely to fall only on the rich as that won't generate enough revenue). But, no party wants to wants to sound austere so it's easier to make pledges on single issues like with respect to the NI increase when what is needed is an overall picture of how the £66 billion hole will be filled each year just to halve the structural deficit over 5 years.
 
It will be interesting to see if any of those dividing lines will be made clearer tonight with the first ever leaders' debate, though I susoect that would only happen if there was a gaffe.
 
UPDATE: 16 April 2010 Watching the leaders' debate, I didn't see those lines though familiar themes came up often. The debate over the timing of cuts pegged by the leaders to the difference between Labour and the Tories, as was the familiar back-and-forth over which party will protect which areas from spending cuts. However, the first debate was on domestic issues with only one question on the economy, though unsurprisingly it came up more often than that in other answers. It looks like we'll need to wait for the third debate, the week before polling day, to assess who will be better stalwarts of the economy.

 

13 April 2010 Are retail sales a good indicator of recovery?

 

A four year high in retail sale growth has been reported by the British Retail Consortium and strong figures are coming through from the U.S. as well. Retail sales comprise around 1/3rd of consumption by households so it is a good but not majority proportion of consumer spending (the other parts being housing costs and services like restaurants). Nevertheless, when looking for coincident indicators of the business cycle, disposable income is important and retail sales can give an indication of confidence and income expectations.

 

29 March 2010 The Chancellors Debate: Have we learned anything new?

 

The Tories tried to steal the march on Labour today by announcing that they will reverse the National Insurance rise of 1p from April 2011 on all but the highest earners. This will reduce the £10 billion in expected tax revenues by £5.6 billion, to be offset by £6 billion found from "efficiency savings" in the public sector. However, this implies that the £6 billion will no longer be used to reduce the structural deficit (the part of the budget deficit that will not go away with the recovery), so the Tories will need to find another £6 billion in spending cuts or tax rises.

 

The opening salvo aside, the numbers to watch out for are economic growth rates -- estimates of tax revenues -- and how to fill in a £66 billion structural deficit -- which has to be done either through cuts in public spending and tax rises. The Budget last week showed that the government will employ a combination of £19 billion in tax increases (£10 billion from National Insurance increases plus around £9 billion higher taxes from those who earn over £100,000) with the rest of the 2/3rd to come from public spending cuts. The Government believes that of the rest, £20 billion will come from efficiency savings, which has raised much scepticism. Then, by ring-fencing front line services (health, schools, policing), other departments (such as transport, defence, etc.) will face cuts of 25% over the next Parliament. In other words, they will be one-quarter smaller and all of Labour's monies put into the public sector since 1997 will be reversed, according to the IFS. The Tories have said that they will go further to reduce the "bulk" of the structural deficit which implies £8 billion more of debt to address, so £74 billion to be found through spending cuts and tax rises by 2014/15.

 

Unsurprisingly, the debate first focused on the timing of the fiscal tightening. The UK is almost alone among the G20 to not have a fiscal stimulus this year (probably because we can't afford it). It is a crucial question and yet the debate added nothing new about timing (see February 19th post).

 

The issue of ring-fencing certain departments came up next. The Lib Dems says nothing is sacred, but they will prioritise -- which seems a little contradictory. Labour seems to want to stick to their pledges to ring-fence the NHS, schools and policing. The Tories would do the same so no change in policy there.

 

Public sector pension reform was discussed next. The Chancellor was vague and included reforms to private sector pensions. The Tories would cap these at £50,000, echoed by Vince Cable.

 

Social care financing came up. George Osborne termed the 10% "death tax" to fund social care as something the Tories would not do. Cable and Darling said it was unreasonable to rule out a reasonable option to finance long-term care of the elderly.

 

Next came tax rises when the question was posed as to whether the middle class should expect tax increases. Cable started out by saying that they would cut the basic rate of income tax through redistribution within the tax system. Osborne repeated their new announcement today about the NI. Darling said it was irresponsible and they veered into the stamp duty holiday for first-time buyers which he acknowledged was a Tory idea.

 

Global bank levy was raised by Cable to ask whether the Tories will act unilaterally to impose such a tax. Osborne seemed to argue that an international consensus was happening. But, they were brought back to the middle class tax question... Will there be a VAT rise? Darling says no cast-iron guarantee is responsible, a view shared by Cable. Osborne repeated his refrain of the evening that there will be tax rises on the rich (and bankers) but not the middle class, working hard to dispel the suspicion that the Tories are the party of the privileged. Cable and Darling both then said that the tax system  and society should be fair.

 

Banker bonuses was raised again (saving the debate from a verbal competition over which party would be farier). Cable focused on  their proposal to separate retail from investment banks, which got a round of applause. Darling disagrees and says that small banks can get into trouble (Northern Rock) too. He repeated that any bank tax needs to be international but they would tax bonuses as they have which generated £2 billion to fund small businesses. This move has garnered positive approval but would depend on whether this generates more credit or else this could have been used to reduce the deficit. Osborne says that they would introduce a bank levy now.

 

They moved onto regulating the banks. Osborne would move the regulatory function back to the Bank of England. Darling explained the lessons and queried whether re-organisation should be the priority. Cable came in to say that he (alone of those on the stage) and the Lib Dems say they they saw the crisis coming but didn't realise that the scale would have been so bad.

 

Unemployment and home ownership for the young were next up. More job assistance was promised by all of the parties -- Cable says that he would fund it from savings from the public sector. Osborne took a pot shot about borrowing from China which was too simplistic. But, they all agree that growth has to come from the private sector.

 

Their closing statements largely repeated their opening remarks... with a pitch to vote for them if you trust them to steer the economy. So, what have we learned? Nothing new on the numbers, especially with no mention of economic growth rates. They did shed some light on their differences in terms of spending cuts and tax rises, but only in terms of reiterating their positions. It may have helped them to better articulate their principles, but those who were looking for credibility might be disappointed that none of the would-be Chancellors said how they would close the large hole in the public finances.

 

26 March 2010 IMF and the euro

 

Merkel got her way in involving the IMF as part of the Greece bail-out package. This may well provide her with political cover with upcoming regional elections that could cause her to lose the upper house (see March 18th post) but she under-estimates the long-term impact on the euro. The consequences are severe. If markets perceive that there is no orderly way to address defaults priced in the single currency and every crisis takes several weeks of wrangling plus external assistance to suit a country's domestic agenda, then the euro could lose its place as a burgeoning reserve currency. Maintaining stability of the euro is much more important for keeping down interest rates and retaining the gains that the euro had made as a burgeoning reserve currency that has risen to constitute 1/5th of global reserve holdings, a feat that the Deutsche mark never achieved. Others would argue that the main problem is that this crisis has higlighted the ineffectiveness of the growth and stability pact to impose fiscal discipline without which there can be no stability for the euro in any case. So, the bigger question is how to create a credible mechanism to impose fiscal constraint. In any case, with the U.S. dollar under pressure and no other viable reserve currency in the near term, the euro may well come through relatively unscathed. But, when there are other options in the medium-term with emerging economic powers like China, resolving the dilemma of the single currency then will be too late.

 

24 March 2010 Growing out of debt

 

That was the message today from the UK budget presented by the Labour government some weeks before the General Election. It was pitched as a budget for growth through a centerpiece measure of a £2.5 billion fund to support small and medium-sized enterprises and industrial development, funded through higher than expected revenues. In other words, instead of using the £11 billion to pay down the debt, around one-third will be used to fund growth measures, including job support for those under the age of 24 who are unemployed.

 

That may or may not be the market's cup of tea, but the figure that will most affect disappoint may well again be the growth figures. This year's estimate of 1.0-1.5% is in line with consensus forecasts but next year at 3.0-3.5% followed by 3.25-3.75% until 2014/15 is higher than the trend growth rate of 2.75%. The IFS and Barclays estimate that the potential growth rate is closer to 2% and the Treasury has also accepted that there is a permanent loss of output of some 5% of GDP. In which case, if the economy is 1% smaller than expected, that will lead to borrowing of around 1% of GDP over the next few years using the Treasury's rule of thumb. So, instead of growth delivering revenues of around £25 billion to reduce around one-third of the structural deficit (deficit caused by the recession that will remain after the business cycle turns), it may cause the deficit to worsen by £15 billion if growth is 2.25% in 2011 and cumulatively thereafter (using the lower bound of the Budget that is used by HM Treasury in estimating revenues). In other words, relying on growth to reduce debt is never a great strategy, but it is a fairly bad tool if the growth forecasts are too optimistic.

 

We know nothing more than what was in the Pre-Budget Report about how the deficit will be brought down. It still looks like a 2/3rd spending cut + 1/3rd tax rise mix. For markets, yields on 10 year gilts rose 6 basis points during his speech. Again, if the growth rate is around 2% and the average cost of borrowing increases to 4.5% (which was the pre-crisis average), assuming inflation of 2%, then the 50 basis point differential will translate into a large stock of debt unless the government runs a primary surplus (budget surplus minus interest paid on debt). The criticism of the IMF, OECD, EU and others that the budget isn't ambitious enough are related to this sustainable debt rule, which is why unlike the Chancellor, the IMF expects national debt to exceed 100% of GDP in 5 years. Also, with higher than expected revenues and lower than expected unemployment, there was scope to do better than halve the deficit within 4 years. In 2014/15, the budget deficit will still be 4.2%, considerably higher than the recommended 3%. 

 

No one expected much more detail with an election coming up. But, I wonder if the Chancellor did enough to convince the voters that there is a credible plan. Markets don't seem to be convinced but perhaps are still suspending their judgement until after May 6th.

 

24 March 2010 What makes a budget credible?

 

This is an issue that divides Ireland and Greece and will rear its head today in Britain. All 3 countries are in the precarious category (along with the United States) of having budget deficits which exceed 10% of GDP. Ireland, unlike Greece, tackled it head-on with swingeing cuts to public sector pay and again unlike Greece has not had to go to the Euro Zone for promises of backing to access debt markets. In other words, Ireland has laid out a credible plan which will help keep its borrowing costs down that will also aid the recovery. By being in the euro, it has the implicit guarantee which has helped but is gradually eroded by the political uncertainty instigated by the Greece debt crisis. The U.S. plan is not particularly credible, but they have the benefit of being the global reserve currency which keeps borrowing costs low. I'll post an assessment after the Budget is presented in Britain today. My expectation is that it won't be particularly credible because no one wants to spell out spending cuts + tax rises before a General Election. But, the markets will still want to know the principles of a Labour government's fiscal plans to be filled in after May or else there could be a gilt sell-off at the same time that the Bank of England has stopped buying, leading to higher costs of borrowing to sell around £170 billion of government bonds this year.

 

19 March 2010 Is China's pro-business environment changing?

 

The rumour that Google is leaving China, along with the current closed trial of Rio Tinto employees accused of industrial espionage, may cause foreign investors to become concerned over the business environment in China. It seems that China has become more assertive now that it has achieved a much greater degree of development. Although China has had the disadvantage of being a Communist state with a poor legal system, its attractive FDI policies and many (cost and market) advantages have led companies to China because the environment has always been favourable and pro-business. Unlike other developing countries, there is little history of expropriation risk by the state.

There are two elements to this dispute between Google and China: self-censorship and hacking with theft of propretary knowledge; albeit the two are linked. China insists on the former but would claim that it can do little about the latter because of its lagging legal system. Cynics may say that the Chinese state sanctions the hacking, while Chinese authorities insist that hacking is illegal. It may add fodder to those who believe that Google, if it withdraws even partly over censorship, is a sign that the benefits of doing business in the world's fastest growing Internet market (currently at 384 million users with another billion yet to go online) are outweighed by the cost if it includes abuses of human rights. Though, others will say that Google when it entered China in 2006 undertook these assurances so they should have known and maybe it's not doing as well as it had thought due to the unchanging dominance of the Chinese search engine, Baidu. So, the revenue loss is much less once the costs of losses from propretary information are accounted for. And, if Google only withdraws partly -- abandonning Google.cn but leaving the Android business, then there will be an element of hypocrisy there. Although, again, still others would say that it would be irresponsible to leave their purchasers in a lurch by withdrawing Android and other software, so Google should only close down the part of their business directly in violation of their beliefs over human rights.

 

Despite the U.S. government's involvement, this is unlikey to have a large impact on China-U.S. relations, which will hinge more on the exchange rate under scrutiny with a looming April 15th report over whether China will be accused of being a currency manipulator. As for Google, we will find out next week if it withdraws as is rumoured. However, the $2.9 billion deal struck today between Rio Tinto and Chinalco, the state-owned company, to form a joint venture to invest in iron ore in Guinea despite the trial of its officials and other tensions suggest that China is too important a market to ignore for most foreign companies. But, it does point to escalating tension between the needs of a decentralising market and the rule of Party.

 

18 March 2010 Who's in charge of the Euro Zone?

 

The answer is Germany, but who's in charge of Germany?

 

The mess that is the Greece debt crisis worsened with the confusing signals from Germany. The Chancellor Angela Merkel appearingly over the wishes of her colleague in the CDU and finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, is leaning toward suggesting that Greece seek IMF assistance whilst Schauble had been preparing for an EMF-type fund. There is even mooted discussion about a mechanism for countries such as Greece to leave the euro. This split within the CDU, as well as with France who seemed to be aligned with the EuroFin meeting outcome that bilateral assistance may be made available to Greece, points to the unresolved internal mechanisms over the operation of the single currency and the increasingly dissatisfied German electorate as Merkel faces upcoming regional elections in May as the first test of the coalition government. It has the potential of derailing her coalition with her preferred partner, the pro-business FDP, if they lose North Rhine-Westphalia that could lead to loss of control of the Bundesrat, the upper legislative chamber.
 
Greece may maintain that it has not asked for assistance, but it is evident that it is hoping for the Euro Zone -- hingeing on Germany -- to backstop its debt. It is the equivalent of a guarantee that will allow it go to bond markets at a less than punitive rate. The backstop mechanism seemed to be near agreement with talk of bilateral assistance and developing an EMF for future crises and seemed to have the backing of the German finance minister, Schauble. Yet, Merkel's comments at the German budget presentation has thrown the markets and now the outcome looks uncertain once again if indeed any such backstopping could violate the 'no bail-out' clause of the euro.
 
IMF assistance would discipline Greece but others will worry that any prescriptions by definition will affect the rest of the Euro Zone given that any measures on the monetary side will spillover from Greek borders. Greece itself doesn't want to go to the IMF as it is likely to be subject to much more stringent policies and monitoring than can be managed by the Euro Zone, which is precisely why others will argue that it is necessary. However, if it does come to that, then the weakness of the euro structure will be made evident if there is no political will to reform it as problems arise. That will undermine the stability of the currency and its nascent role as a global reserve currency (since 1999, the euro has risen to account for 20-25% of global reserve holdings). Even though it was viewed by some as an reincarnation of the Deutsche mark, the larger market of the euro allowed it be used as a rival reserve currency in a manner that the Deutsche mark never achieved. For instance, it is one-third of the Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) of the IMF mooted as a replacement global reserve currency in place of the U.S. dollar. There may be elections to think about and there may be good reasons to go to the IMF. But, without a clear articulation of the institutional underpinning of the euro, the benefits of the single currency -- seen in low market rates of the past 11 years -- may be a thing of the past.


11 March 2010 The RMB de-pegging from the dollar

 

This is very likely as today's inflation figure for February for China came in at 2.7%. M2 growth has been racing ahead at nearly 30% for several months while house prices are up over 10% year-on-year. Tellingly, food prices are up 6.2% and producer prices are 5.4%, both of which suggest that CPI is due to rise soon. Moreover, Chinese inflation follows the monetary aggregate of M2 fairly closely so double digit inflation is lurking unless policymakers get a handle on the liquidity issue. All of which points to why the talk in Beijing is de-pegging to the dollar. With all of the domestic drivers of inflation generating worry, removing the liquidity inflows from the exchange rate would be one step forward. This is why Beijing is likely to re-peg the RMB to a trade-weighted basket of currencies which was abandonned in mid 2008, but had been in place since July 2005 which saw the RMB appreciate by around 20% -- and lessening the corresponding liquidity pressures. It took markets by surprise then; it may repeat this shortly.

 

10 March 2010 Getting our money back from Northern Rock

 

Today's earnings suggest that it will be some time yet before we recoup the billions ploughed into Northern Rock as the bank posts its 3rd year of losses. That is unsurprising given the problems at Northern Rock that caused it to be nationalised.

 

The bank was split into two on January 1st into a "good bank" and a "bad bank" (Northern Rock Asset Management). The "good bank" holds the deposits and £10 billion of mortgages while the "bad bank" retains the poor quality stuff which dwarves the balance sheet of the good side, e.g., £50 billion in mortgages and £4.5 billion in unsecured loans. Having lost £2 billion since nationalisation two years ago (£1.3 billion in 2008), the reported loss for last year of £257.5 million is an improvement even if there was a one-off £445 million government rebate in 2009.

 

The earnings, though, may be artificial in that it has operated as a state-owned lender with an 100% government guarantee on deposits (which will now end in May) and issuance of new mortgages  only by the "good bank" with a clean balance sheet and thus at favourable rates since the bank is under less pressure to build margins as with a normal lender struggling with their balance sheet during an economic downturn. This is, though, what was intended by the separation and thus good news if that means that a buyer can be found for the "good bank" so that we can recoup at least some of our money. However, we are stuck with the "bad bank" likely for years and many will wonder why we are holding the poor quality stuff and selling the high quality loan book and deposits rather than keeping both in one bank.

 

Presumably, the government would say that the only way to get Northern Rock on its feet is to ring-fence the bad debts which can't be sold in any case, so we may as well sell what we can. It may be the only way of gaining the transparency necessary to privatise as no buyer will want a bank with such a loan book, which is why countries like Ireland have created a national "band bank" (see June 17th 2009 post). With lingering losses on the balance sheets such as at the part-nationalised RBS and Lloyds that feed the uncertainty of whether the impairments from toxic assets have peaked, some would say that this type of separation is precisely what is needed and worked in places like Sweden in the early 1990s.

 

These latest figures will make the sale easier, though the losses may be mild because of the government guarantees that have allowed Northern Rock to operate at an advantage in the banking sector, prompting the removal of the 100% guarantee in May, though the advantage of the implicit state backing is more important for lending in many respects as most deposits would fall under the new £50k deposit insurance scheme. Astute buyers may well question the viability of this bank; others may well want to enter the UK banking system by re-naming and buying up its northeast branches. What is clear is that we will be owners of Northern Rock Asset Management for years to come. It took the Swedish nearly a decade to see its bad banks turned around. We would be lucky if these 125% mortgages could regain value and not just end up in foreclosure and generating losses each year until the loan book is run down.

 

19 February 2010 The timing of cuts

 

It was once said by a British prime minister that if you put 20 economists in a room, then you'll get 40 opinions. At present, it's just 2 opinions but rather starkly different ones from some 80 economists in three open letters in national newspapers. The debate is over the timing of when the UK should cut its deficit -- this year as proposed by the Tories or next year as planned by the Government.

 

The issue is over whether delaying cuts until 2011 will increase the cost of borrowing on bond markets which will drag down recovery or if premature tightening this year will cause the economy to lapse back into recession as government spending is cut.

 

Interest rates on the benchmark 10 year gilts are only 4.2% which are low and roughly in line with current growth forecasts of 4%. Even if the forecasts are wrong, the real cost of borrowing is only around 2%, which means one year of an 1 percentage point differential. It isn't ideal but hardly damaging. 

 

The real issue is to have a credible, medium-term plan to cut the deficit once the recovery is underway. With Germany and Italy falling back into recession (see February 12th post), a double dip scenario is very possible given the record fall in consumption in January. Having just eeked out a recovery in December of 0.1% growth, it is hard to be that concerned about timing when even bond markets have said that they will wait until after the General Election in the middle of the year to decide on British credibility.

 

12 February 2010 Germany stagnates: start of the double dip?

 

The latest GDP figures show that Germany didn't grow in the 4th quarter of 2009. Having recovered in the 2nd quarter, its economy is now flat, which some will read as the "double dip" that we have been fearing. Italy's economy has actually "dipped," contracting by 0.2% while Spain is not yet out of recession, leaving only France of the big four euro zone economies (which account for around 3/4th of the single currency bloc GDP) to grow by 0.6%. Thus, the euro zone economy inched out just 0.1% growth in 2009Q4.

 

The "dip" 2 quarters later by Germany and Italy illustrates the danger of lapsing back into recession once the inventory cycle turns in a weak recovery. Indeed, the other major data release is the industrial output figure by Eurostat which shows a fall of 1.7% and an even worse 1.9% for the 27 EU countries whose GDP also rose by a mere 0.1%. Germany's industrial production fell by a large 2.6% whilst it remained flat for France which relies less on exports than Germany and more on domestic demand such that its growth in consumption has kept its economy up, while Germany's industrial output fell more dramatically than France (-7.4% versus -2.9% annual decline) due to its exposure to global trade which fell by 10% last year -- the first such contraction since WWII. France has kept up its government spending as well, such as keeping its car scrappage scheme in place, which could help explain its consumption growth.

 

So, having a quarter or two of industrial production could just reflect the re-stocking phenonmenon that will recede if there is no consumption to outweigh the turn of the inventory cycle -- either government or private. For those excited about the growth in industrial output in the UK in the last quarter should beware. True, industry is a smaller share of GDP in Britain than Germany, but the pattern of weak consumer demand (January retail sales were low), withdrawal of government stimulus (end of VAT cut, car scrappage scheme, end of stamp duty holiday on some houses) and that Britain still has de-leveraging of household debt (at least the Germans save), the turn of the inventory cycle could spell a double dip. In any case, the euro zone and the EU appear to be trundling along the bottom in this recovery, much as Bank of England Governor Mervyn King described the UK economy just yesterday.

 

10 February 2010 Say Greece defaults...

 

When Greece defaulted on its sovereign debt in 1987, it was bailed out by the EU. It bore its own consequences. But, if Greece were to default now -- despite the relative small amounts involved (51 billion euros), then it would jeopardise the structure of the euro and set off a domino effect in other debt-laden euro zone nations. As tempting as it would be to let Greece fail, the contagion could affect 1/4th of the euro area economies and all would suffer rising bond yields and therefore a higher cost of borrowing.

 

I suspect the most immediate aftermath will be even greater differentiation within the euro area economies such that Greece and countries like Portugal, Ireland, Spain and even Italy will not enjoy the low interest rates of the past derived from the euro, evident in rising bond yield spreads -- yet those are still buttressed by the implicit backing of the single currency. Another consequence would be rising resentment particularly from the Germans that prudent countries are forced to bail-out profligate ones, precisely the type of gaming the "Growth and Stability Pact" was designed to avoid. Politically, resentment often turns into punishment and even more hints of instability as wrangling continues over the conditions of the bail-out which looks to be in the works for Greece.

 

Letting in Greece suited the aim of expanding the monetary union and reducing the border and exchange rate frictions that impeded the functioning of the single market. Once in, though, countries lose control over their monetary and exchange rate policies, leaving fiscal policy and real productivity growth as the mainstay of the economy. And the euro hasn't disappointed even throughout the crisis, maintaining its stability in the face of extraordinary circumstances. Up until the Great Recession, the low interest rate and inflation regime created a much more benign policy environment than the previous monetary regimes in Europe. Unfortunately, the very worry that some nations will take advantage of that rather than promote their productivity has crystallized. Once in, the exit would be traumatic. Worse though is the market view that the euro is not as stable as its 11 year history had suggested thus far. The last thing the euro area needs is higher borrowing costs with even the Germans breaching the Maastricht Treaty rule of the budget deficit not breaching 3% of GDP.

 

4 February 2010 What are the implications of a weak currency?

 

The latest episode of rising U.S.-China tensions centres on the valuation of the RMB and inadequate market access in China. China's retort is as expected -- they claim that no revaluation is going to sort out America's economic problems. Selling more to China might... so the two issues are interconnected.

 

A cheap currency makes imports more expensive, which is one of the reasons why export growth (stronger with a weak currency) is traded-off against the standard of living (lower when disposable income is depressed by more costly imported goods and services). It makes foreign firms less competitive as their goods and services are priced higher than otherwise. It is another form of blocking market access but in a non-tariff sort of way.

 

The downsides also include making imported inputs (energy, commodities, intermediate products) more costly, driving up the cost of production. Of course, the upside is that exports are priced competitively. This implies that exporters are supported at the expense of non-exporting firms and households.

 

Every country is looking to exports to aid their recovery as domestic consumption is likely to be weak in the West and emerging economies have long relied on a model of openness to drive growth. And, China is the fastest growing major economy in the world. But, it too is oriented toward exports. This can work -- all countries aiming for exports -- if trade remains open on the import-side. If both exports and imports grow, then the net trade position of countries can be roughly equal but still benefitting from the efficiency gains from specialisation and scale associated with trade. Imported goods boosted its industrial upgrading and can bolster its consumption to help it achieve its stated goal of re-balancing. China grew at over 10% per annum with a balanced net trade position before 2005. It can do so again.

 

1 February 2010 Global problems, local bail-outs

 

This is one of the reasons why there has to be global regulation of banks. Larry Summers might be right in saying that the universal bank model of Europe can co-exist with a return to a form of Glass-Steagall in America that divides banks into retail and investment ones, but I do wonder if an American bank acts recklessly as an universal bank in Europe, then wouldn't the bail-out still come from Amercain tax dollars?

 

Although there is no agreement in sight, there is now a slew of regulatory proposals.

 

Global levy on banks: This is gaining favour among bankers for them to pay a levy into a fund that will cover the cost of bail-outs. Accepting that moral hazard exists for the banking sector which is special and thus will be bailed-out, the banks would opt to pay for their own failure. Under this model, presumably they could operate as they have currently and generate large revenues and bonuses. A self-insurance fund seems to be a good idea -- being similar to FDIC which is deposit insurance funded by banks -- but is it enough? How large would this fund have to be to cope with the systemic banking failure nearly countenanced with the collapse of Lehman Brothers and all of the counter-parties?

 

Limit on bank size/ban on proprietary trading: This is the Obama proposal that answers the question of "Whether banks that are too big to fail are just too big?" The ban on proprietary trading, including ownership of hedge funds/private equity firms, is referred to as "Glass-Steagall lite" for separating the "casino" element of banking from retail banks and those which can draw on the Fed's discount window. Despite protestations from banks that the line is hard to draw between own and client trading, this would address moral hazard to some extent. The question is whether it would have covered Lehman and Bear Stearns. Those broker-dealers were systematically important banks because of proprietary trading that dragged their creditors down with them, along with other problems which again points to the need for better regulation in other respects such as derivative trading. Or, would "living wills" have been able to prevent these banks from destabilising the system, as they otherwise did not jeopardise a great deal of deposits? In the UK, building societies and former ones like Northern Rock are referred to as examples as why size isn't the issue. But, with better and clear global rules for deposit insurance, would these small and non-systematically important banks have been bailed out?

 

Tax on bonuses/levy to recoup bail-out funds: These British/French and American measures are popular with the populace, but haven't prevented large bonuses or fundamentally addressed the moral hazard issue. Banks pay them but simply squeeze shareholder value to maintain performance bonuses.

 

Higher global capital/liquidity requirements: These are the proposals put forth by the Financial Stability Board charged by the G20 to come up with international financial rules. My January 12th post outlines these measures. This will reduce risk-taking through counter-cyclical capital requirements and have been worked through with banks. But, these measures had not yet dealt with systematically important banks and financial institutions and the FSB has been eclipsed by the Americans on the issue, causing furore among bankers. More capital and liquidity will help, but are these adequate to forestall leverage that expands balance sheets? There has been discussion of using a leverage ratio ceiling as a way of countering asset bubbles, including by Lord Turner of the UK FSA. But, is it possible to fashion global rules about local asset markets when emerging economies and advanced ones are at such different stages of development?

 

The debate has now moved to fundamental questions which is welcome. Wherever we end up, I doubt that we will return to the days when banking is just about deposit-taking and lending without leverage, but it does appear that banks are unlikely to return to the heady days of the 1980s anytime soon. I'm curious to see if Wall Street II will again tout that "greed is good" or if it will be about being "socially useful."

 

26 January 2010 Britain has exited recession but the picture looks flat

 

It's undoubtedly good news that after 18 months of the longest recession since WWII, the economy has stopped contracting. Looking at the ONS estimates, a more accurate descriptor than saying economy grew might be that activity was essentially flat. But, that's better than shrinking. 2009Q4 recorded a 0.1% increase from the previous quarter. The growth comes from a 0.1% percentage point contribution in the service sector of distribution, hotels and restaurants with a smaller boost from government spending. Most sectors, though, e.g., construction, business services, etc. look flat. Compared with a year ago, the economy is 3.2% smaller and it shrank by 6.1% from peak-to-trough, making it the worst recession in the post-war period as well. It makes one wonder that if people hadn't splurged over the holidays whether we would be out of recession.

 

Nevertheless, the two main indices of production and services both recorded small quarterly increases (0.1% each). As services is the largest part of the economy, this is particularly a promising sign. Difficult credit markets (the banking sector contracted) coupled with households continuing to shed debt never boded well for a recovery "bounce." For better or worse, real estate is picking up so it looks like the ever-unpredictable housing market is on the road to recovery.

 

19 January 2010 Why the latest UK inflation figures aren't a source of worry (yet)

 

CPI rose from 1.9% in November to 2.9% in the latest figures for December, just a hair's breadth away from breaching 3% and prompting a letter from Mervyn King to the Chancellor. The RPI registered an even more impressive jump to 2.4% from an annual rate of 0.3% in November and reverting to pre-recessionary levels last recorded in November 2008.

 

Worried? Well, don't be... yet. The November-December monthly increase of 0.6%, the ONS hastened to point out, is typical (same as in 2006 and 2007 and not 2008 where CPI fell by a record 0.4% in the depth of the recession). The increase is because of the extraordinary measures taken last December against which this figure is based. The VAT cut of 17.5% to 15%, falling energy prices and pre-Christmas sales in the recession meant that prices dropped last December. This year, no comparable cut in VAT and rising energy prices in sight of a global recovery mean that inflation shot up from a low base. The picture is even more dramatic for RPI which includes mortgate interest payments and housing depreciation too. Having been negative for most of the year until November, it has risen more steeply than CPI because of housing costs. The cut in interest rates and falling house prices of last December have had no comparable fall in mortgage interest payments and insurance costs have risen.

 

There is no cause for concern yet, as the much critiqued small VAT cut responsible for this jump in prices may not have been large enough to please those who wanted a stimulus measure, it did hold down inflation during the recession. Also, for those worried about more Quantitative Easing (with serious inflationary consequences as QE increases the monetary base) once the programme runs out next month, they will feel reassured that inflation will  likely tie the Bank of England's hands. Sterling's rally on this news goes to this view. And, the Bank of England saw this coming. They warned about energy prices pushing up inflation (oil prices have steadily risen this year) but see inflation coming down in mid 2010 even if the economy is in recovery mode because of the size of the output gap (the difference between potential and actual output) due to the depth of the recession. Cheap Sterling, higher imported goods/energy prices and an anemic recovery (that is, if figures out this month say that we exited in the fourth quarter of 2009) all point to inflation not looming on the horizon. However, for those very same reasons, inflation is likely to be volatile. Letters may need to be written, but the Bank will hope that these figures don't affect inflation expectations, e.g., all of us asking for higher pay rises with the recovery. Then, it will be a cause for worry.

 

16 January 2010 How to assess the business environment in China

 

The recent furore over Google's position in China raises questions beyond this particular case. The business environment in China has loosened a great deal in the 2000s, particularly with China's accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in December 2001 when it agreed to a number of market opening measures. At the same time, China completed the large-scale restructuring of its state-owned sector in the 9th Five Year Plan that ended in 2000. This meant the downsizing of state-owned enterprises, significant reform of the labour market and granting status to private firms, all pointing to a significant degree of marketisation. With the large-scale restructuring that had taken place, China had the set-up of a corporate sector which needed governance, i.e., laws and regulation. The 2000s witnessed a slew of both (first ever M&A and Anti-Monopoly laws; rules improving corporate governance and setting up a futures and NASDAQ-type bourses). These facially neutral laws tend to exempt state-owned firms but for the most part apply similarly to domestic and foreign frms. This type of non-discriminatory and transparent rules are part of the WTO principles.

 

"Laws on the books" do not equate to effective rule of law, particularly when the judiciary is not independent of the ruling Party. Policy in China remains unwaveringly geared at economic growth. China may be a major economy (3rd largest in the world and the largest trader), but its per capita GDP is only around $3000, less than one-tenth of that of the U.S., and ranking it 105th in the world. Having a political motivation, however, further raises doubts over the willingness to develop an effective legal system if it might run counter to the goal of growth. China, moreover, recognises the challenges of continued economic development and the possibility that foreign multinationals overwhelm indigenous firms. This is most acute in the area of technology, but tensions are also evident in commodities and energy as China feels the insecurity of being a net importer of the inputs that it needs to industrialise.

 

These tensions have always existed but are made worse in the 2000s when the better developed legal system is expected to deliver. The strictures placed on foreign firms in China are unlikely to ease completely in the near term, but the otherwise seeming objective laws in place will make many who take those at face value bridle against the constraints. Google may not  leave China, but it may be a harbinger of things to come.

 

12 January 2010 The steepening U.S. yield curve

 

Yesterday witnessed the widest ever yield gap between short-dated (2 year) and long-dated (10 year) U.S. Treasuries at 290 basis points. The steepening of the yield curve normally suggests that inflation and recovery are on the horizon, but the Quantitative Easing programme and the reserve currency role of the dollar create uncertainty that is remnescient of the difficulty of reading the flattened yield curve prior to the global financial crisis. Record low interest rates are deperssing the short-end of the curve rather than inflation pushing up the long-end. However, when QE is reversed, the continual flow of bonds issued in the trillions over the next few years to finance the fiscal deficit will not have a large government purchaser and should push up yields unless central banks retain their appetite for Treasuries. It is likely since the dollar will not lose its place as the reserve currency imminently so the surplus countries will continue to buy, though the immense scale of the U.S. national debt (totalling $18 trillion over the next decade) may outweigh those purchases and yields will rise. Inflation -- commodities and energy -- could do that sooner. In any case, QE won't be reversed until the recovery is underway, so however the yield curve is being read, it still points to recovery however tepid with the December job data showing that 1 in 4 unemployed persons are now long-term unemployed and numerous others have exited the job market as discourged workers even as the unemployment rate stands at 10%.

 

12 January 2010 New global financial regulations

 

Very interesting sets of rules being proposed by the Financial Stability Board in the BIS meetings which include limiting bonuses and dividends to safeguard a higher level of capital and contingent capital requirements that are also counter-cyclical. The "through-the-cycle" provisioning for accounting could be more sensible than the current mark-to-market, depending on how those become formulated at the end of March. The new global liquidity requirements as well as higher overall capital requirements will likely mean more purchases of government bonds and reduce reliance on wholesale money markets. All of this is likely to reduce risk and therefore profits of banks, but may well make the sector less prone to excessive cycles.

 

However, the yet-to-be formulated rules concerning systemically important banks are arguably the most important as this is the core of the contagion seen in this global financial crisis. A capital/liquidity surcharge is likely, but will they adopt "living wills" or more drastic measures of separating retail from investment banks at the end of March? Or do the regulators believe that the higher and counter-cyclical capital requirements are enough.

 

Of course, President Obama is already contemplating such a surcharge to be announced in the budget in February to get back the TARP funds, while the UK tax on bonuses is already in place and being contemplated in France and there continues to be talk of a Tobin tax on transactions. I suspect that it is unlikely that any regulation can change the implicit guarantee of the banking system which means that a surcharge that becomes the insurance/bail-out fund may well be the way to have the banking system pay for this guarantee rather than the taxpayer. It may even be more palatable than a transaction or bonus tax.

 

11 January 2010 China to allow short-selling and exchange-traded funds

 

China is pressing ahead with financial sector development, much as it has over the past decade but will proceed cautiously with permitting short-selling and exchange-traded funds in 3 months. A significant concern of investors will rightly be whether there will be a sufficiently robust regulatory framework to govern financial innovation. China's under-developed legal system isn't going to improve rapidly, but the regulator (the CSRC or China Securities Regulatory Commission) has quickly implemented a slew of regulations in the 2000s in response to earlier failings of the stock exchanges such as ineffective protection of minority shareholder rights and poor corporate governance. If this trend continues and the regulators prove to be more responsive to capital market developments, then the overall weakness in the legal system need not significantly impede the development of the financial sector though certainly contract security will undoubtedly remain a concern in an economy where the rule of law is not only incomplete but only granted legal protection to private property in 2007. The lack of diversification of investments plus a very under-developed capital market have hampered the efficient allocation of resources, so China does need to develop depth in its financial sector. Nevertheless, with the lessons learned from the global financial crisis, it would do well to move gradually with an eye toward the numerous global rules that are currently being formulated by the BIS, FSB and others. 

 

10 January 2010 Is China the next bubble economy?

 

In a word, no, but it may well be headed for serious inflation. China's growth at an estimated 8.3% last year, remarkable in the midst of a global recession, was achieved through a large fiscal stimulus and loose monetray policy. The fiscal stimulus was mostly funded by state-owned banks, which unleashed over 1/3rd of GDP in credit to finance around of of the $700 billion spending programme (including the later announced $125 billion on health and around $400 million on rural pensions). By using the state-owned banks instead of issuing government bonds, the control over the spending is even worse than other economies and thus the explosion of financing relative to the spending need.

 

The result is M2 growth of nearly 30% at the end of 2009 but no inflation which meant that the liquidity went into assets, e.g., stock market is up and house prices are growing. Monetary policy is tied to the ultra-low (0%) U.S. interest rate through the fixed exchange rate that was re-pegged to the dollar during the financial crisis. This means that inflation is likely to be on the horizon as inflation has just returned after 9 months of deflation.

 

The excess credit has led to worries of waste and inefficiency, which are probably right. But, real economy indicators like industrial output, employment creation and infrastructure development point to solid output gains. Employment of laid-off rural-urban migrants is particularly impressive. Though some of the 20 million estimated to have lost their jobs with the collapse of exports are under-employed or surplus particularly in agriculture, the road, rail and other public works have absorbed them into comparable low-skill jobs.

 

China's growth is undoubtedly funded by public spending, making up for the decline of external markets. The scale of the stimulus suggests that inflation will return and can cause severe volatility especially if the currency remains pegged to a weak dollar and commodity prices soar. Hints are already seen in emerging asset bubbles. Nevertheless, the outcome of the spending looks solid enough. China may have bubbles in its economy but the job creation and industrial gains do not suggest that it is a bubble economy driven by inflated asset prices and unwarranted expectations. The age-old culprit of inflation is a more likely candidate.

 

7 January 2010 Signs of tightening?

 

China caused a stir in markets today by increasing the yield on 3 month bills by 4 basis points,(just 0.04%) while the Bank of England surprised no one when it held interest rates at 0.5% and announced no change in the QE programme. The ECB also recently left rates at 1% and wouldn't be drawn on whether it would extend the 12 month fixed rate liquidity measures beyond the spring.

 

Everyone expects there to be tightening of both monetary and fiscal policies but the timing remains the tough call. In China's case, it is wary of inflation since it funded its fiscal stimulus through credit from the state-owned banking system. But, it wants to continue its government spending programme in 2010 due to concerns about slowing growth in a weak global environment. Thus, small measures like raising interest rates on government bills may drain liquidity sufficiently that it doesn't have to raise the base rate or reserve requirements.

 

For the ECB, the weak growth forecasts of just 0.8% in 2010 and 1.2% in 2011 point to the possibility of a "double dip" recession. Private lending remains down and falling industrial orders in the latest data for November along with a strong euro (France's Christine Lagarde called it over-valued today) highlight strong downside risks which led to it taking an accommodative stance.

 

In the UK (still in recession at least until we see the 4th quarter of 2008 GDP figure in a couple of weeks), fiscal tightening is also being hotly debated no less because there is an upcoming General Election. For the Bank of England, the lack of fiscal tightening until then puts more pressure on inflation though there is not (yet) the main concern. Being the last major economy still in recession and tight credit conditions remain paramount.

 

21 December 2009 Difficult 2010 for the UK economy

 

The CBI released their forecast for 2010 and 2011 today calling an end of the recession by the end of the year. Their forecasted growth rates for 2010 are similar to the government's (1.2% in 2010 versus 1.25% in the Pre-Budget Report) but more modest in 2011 (2.5% versus 3.5% in the PBR). Many believe that this recovery (when it comes) will be fragile and weak. The main reason is the lack of a strong driver of growth. Consumption will be dampened by the process of de-leveraging in the UK while exports will also be weak in the next year as U.S. consumers (the main source of global demand) also shed debt. The credit crunch & banks sorting out their spreadsheets will affect investment, stifling businesses which will be evident when the inventory cycle turns. Finally, government spending will continue to grow by 2.2% in real terms next year, but that is a weak engine and one characterised by growing public debt that will need to be serviced. That could lead to higher interest rates, especially when coupled with rising energy prices -- together implying a reduction in disposable income which will not help private demand further reducing the incentive for firms to invest.

 

The CBI represents firms that employ around 1/3rd of the private sector labour force, so when they predict that there will be wage cuts in the spring of 2010, we should listen. They also predict that unemployment will increase until toward the end of 2010 when it will peak at 2.8 million out of work. Reluctance to hire and possibly more firing if the outlook for growth is weaker than before the recession could result in rising unemployment even if the economy stops contracting. Unemployment has risen less than in previous recessions, but this could be due to more people becoming under-employed. More people in part--time work reflects a reluctance to hire and if extended could mean firing by firms who view the weak recovery as slower expected sales in the next few years. Given the greater number of people in part-time work whose positions are more precarious than permanent employees, how the economic forecast affects sales projections and how firms assess credit conditions will determine whether unemployment remains as muted as it currently seems.

 

Another reason for why the pace of unemployment has unexpected slowed is that the recession could have ended in the 3rd quarter. If the economy had stopped contracting between July-September, then the lagging nature of unemployment will show a declining pace of joblessness in the 4th quarter. The official ONS figures out tomorrow will reveal how much 3rd quarter GDP has been revised. If there isn't a significant upward revision from -0.3%, just keep in mind that they will continue to revise the figure over the coming months as more data becomes available, particularly in the spring when income tax information can be used. In any case, the larger picture isn't the small changes around whether GDP growth is slightly below or above 0% but the economic health of the coming year which looks tough.

 

14 December 2009 What characterises the 2000s?

 

Having recorded several interviews looking back at the decade and the past year (to be broadcast on CNN & CNBC over the holidays), there have been a number of fundamental developments in the 2000s but it was difficult to identify a theme like the 1980s and the rise of Wall Street and the age of greed or the 1990s and the technology revolution. For me, the 2000s belongs to the changed structure of the global economy. It is when emerging economies like China fundamentally transformed the world economy.

 

Starting in the 1990s and accelerating in the 2000s, emerging economies like China, India and Eastern Europe integrated into the world, e.g., China joining the WTO in 2001, India turning outward, EU expansion in 2004 and 2007 to nearly doubling its members by adding 10 countries from emerging Europe. The consequences of this structural transformation are mani-fold, including deflationary pressures on goods and services which contributed to the "Great Moderation" of a mild business cycle, but also of global imbalances which led to capital flowing from poor to rich economies resulting in excess liquidity. With cheaper imports and a credit boom, Western consumers (and governments and firms) borrowed to consume. 

 

As with the 1980s Wall Street crash in 1989 that led to a recession in the early 1990s and the tech bubble that burst at the end of that decade which was marked by an economic slowdown in 2000, the 2000s ended with a financial crisis and recession. As with the previous crashes and recessions, the reasons are complex but inter-related. Some would argue that this recession and crisis was more fundamental as we nearly had a repeat of the Great Depression and systemic banking failure. I would also look at the real economy worldwide and say that the world has changed in the 2000s. And, the 2010s will continue to be characterised by a fundamental shift in the global economic structure of production and consumption -- characterised by the growth of emerging economies entering the global "middle class" -- and any future policymaking must take the consequences into account.

 

10 December 2009 Market reaction to Britain's fiscal deficit reduction plan

 

A day later, the markets were muted despite headlines generally reflecting dissatisfaction with Britain's PBR particularly in terms of the lack of detail surrounding some 40% of the tightening needed to halve the deficit in 4 years. (A glance at the blogs and opinion pieces at the FT would give a flavour). This estimate of 40% comes from the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the respected think tank, in their annual post-PBR assessment.

 

The IFS also says that the amount of tightening needed is less than thought because the structural deficit (the portion of the deficit that is not tied to the ups and downs of the business cycle) is less than previously estimated. The PBR believes it is 5.2% of national income instead of 6.4%. Therefore, to close this gap by 2017/18, it implies that £76 billion per year will need to be cut instead of £90 billion. To halve the deficit now requires annual tightening of £38 billion instead of £45 billion each year until 2013/14. The recession was deeper than expected (4.75% contraction this year instead of the 3.5% anticipated in the Budget in April), but the assumption made that the value of our houses and financial wealth will be permanently less as a result of the crisis has been sonewhat upgraded. Therefore, the gap that remains after the economy has recovered is smaller.

 

This makes it more likely that the measures announced yesterday can be met, though again, the IFS estimates that we are missing information on 40% of the necessary spending cuts/tax rises to achieve that goal, so it is not simple to assess the credibility of the plan.

 

With a General Election coming up, it was unlikely that the government would be that specific and hand ammunition to the Opposition. One can hear the slogan already: Labour plans to cut your public services by 19% in the next 3 years (this was the figure that IFS calculated would result based on the PBR). They made this decision months ago when they decided not to undertake the Comprehensive Spending Review until next year and cited the uncertain economic outlook. Perhaps luckily, markets didn't expect any different.

 

9 December 2009 Pre-Budget Report: Is it enough to reassure credit markets?

 

The Chancellor needed to halve the deficit as a share of GDP in 4 years to reassure jittery credit markets that there is a plan to reduce the national debt. The first thing to note is the timing. No consolidation will happen until 2011 so it is really to halve the deficit in 3 years, implying the real pain will come after next year. The economic rationale is to not jeopardise the recovery, but the Conservatives would argue that it is political for the tightening measures to come into effect largely after the next General Election.

 

So, to halve the deficit means tightening of around £45 billion per year until 2013/14. Since the measures largely won't come in until 2011, this implies that most of the spending cuts/tax rises will be squeezed into 2011-2013. How close does the PBR come to reaching that figure?

 

In terms of taxes to fund the gap, the largest sources of revenue are unsurprisingly the broad-based ones. Allowing the temporary cut in VAT to lapse as planned by January 1st will bring in £11 billion per year and the increase in National Insurance by 0.5% (except on those earning less than £20,000) will generate another £3 billion per year. The eye catching new tax of 50% on banker bonuses will bring in £500 million -- though that will happen in this tax year, it is a one-off. Freezing the inheritance tax allowance until 2011 and the threshold for paying the top rate of tax of 40% in 2012 will also bring in revenue if inflation and house prices increase through "fiscal drag" where more people are pushed into paying inheritance tax and the higer rate. The temporary stamp duty holiday will also expire. Thus, if the aim was to close 20-25% of the gap by taxes, then the VAT reversion and NI increases would largely achieve that aim.

 

In terms of spending cuts which was to constitute the bulk of the fiscal consolidation, these are more amorphous. Some wage restraint and efficiency measures were announced. Public sector pay will be capped at 1% for 2 years from 2011, which will likely result in cuts in real wages once inflation picks up and generate £3.5 billion in savings per year. And, limits to public pension contributions will bring in £1 billion each year and efficiency savings is to generate another £12 billion each year. These aren't enough, so cuts to spending programmes will also be needed. The Chancellor said that he will wait for the Comprehensive Spending Review to specify where the spending cuts will fall. But, he will protect front line services (schools, hospitals, and police). In current terms, spending will increase by £31 billion (2.2% real growth) in 2010/11 and then by 0.8% until 2014/15 (around £7 billion per year). If certain budgets are protected, then this implies significant cuts in other public services especially after debt interest payments and benefits are taken into account. However, only £5 billion per year in spending cuts was specified in the PBR. This is where the numbers don't add up very well and could cause markets to be dissatisfied.

 

It is a broadly fiscally neutral budget. So, spending on green investment, promoting industry (rather than financial services) and helping the jobless are funded from cuts elsewhere. These are relatively small but laudable measures geared at supporting the unemployed (those under 24 and over 50), promoting R&D in high tech industries, financing for small and medium-sized enterprises, investing in a low carbon economy (boiler scrappage scheme and electric car tax holidays), but again raises the question as to which funding will be re-allocated.

 

Finally, the growth forecasts of 1-1.5% in 2010 and then above-trend at 3.5% thereafter will need to be right as well. These are broadly in line with independent forecasts, but sustaining above-trend growth after the initial blip from recovery is less likely, making the projected deficit reduction to 2013/14 look less certain.

 

If markets were looking for the kind of declarative statement to manage the budget deficit, then they will be disappointed. But, with a General Election around the corner, even the credit agencies recognized early on that a serious fiscal consolidation plan wouldn't be presented until after mid 2010. Nevertheless, the PBR had relatively few giveaway with just a few months to go which is reassuring, though the reduction in bingo duty from 25% to 20% may win the Government some votes.

 

8 December 2009 What works to bring down national debt?

 

The OECD report on lessons from successful fiscal consolidation provides a few pointers as to how countries have managed to bring down their deficits. Most countries have done so by a combination of public spending cuts (80%) and tax rises (20%). The Chancellor in tomorrow's PBR is thought to be following a similar route of 75% in cuts and 25% in tax increases to close the gap. To halve the deficit in 4 years by 2013/14 implies £45 billion per year consolidation, so roughly £34 billion in cuts in spending and £11 billion in taxes. This would reduce the deficit to around 6% of GDP, which is still twice the level under the Maastricht Treaty which guides the fiscal policies of the EU. In fact, the European Commission has given the UK until 2014/15 to bring the deficit down to 3% of GDP.

 

To achieve this, £12 billion in efficiency savings have been proposed across government. It is very difficult to assess when such savings have been achieved, but the OECD study suggests that slashing departmental budgets has been effective in countries such as in Sweden and Canada during the 1990s, particularly as it establishes the credibility of the fiscal consolidation plan. Importantly, in Canada, it did not affect the quality of public services, but rather shrank the size of government by 9.5 percentage points of GDP between 1992 and 1999. It implies that the choices or quality of government spending matters more than the size of the state, e.g., preserving necessary investment and delivery of front-line services but also imposing budgetary cuts. Wage restraint, such as has been proposed in the £100 million to be saved each year by curbing public sector pay by 20%, was also adopted. But, Canada still has one of the highest national debt-to-GDP ratios in the OECD, as compared with Sweden and Finland whose fiscal positions have improved but with a mixed record on public services.

 

On tax rises, it epitomises the difficulty of imposing fiscal austerity during a yet-to-come recovery. Increasing taxes too soon will certainly choke off private consumption which will mean a return to recession with the fall in public spending at the end of stimulus measures such as the temporary cut in VAT. Yet, tax increases are likely to form part of any fiscal package given that half of the increase in the deficit is from interest payments and entitlements, so that cutting departmental budgets and asset sales will already take the burden of cuts.

 

Economic growth will help to reduce the deficit, but a realistic growth rate has to be given so that markets (lenders) can assess the sustainability of the UK's debt. The sustainable debt rule is (r-g)(D/Y)=(P/Y), where r is the real interest rate, g is the growth rate of the economy, D/Y is debt-to-GDP and P/Y is the primary surplus relative to GDP minus debt interest payments. At present, the gilt market for government debt is requiring less than 4% nominal interest rate for sales of 10 year bonds. With inflation at less than 2%, the real interest rate is low by historical standards. If growth returns to trend after 2010, reverting to 2-2.5% thereafter will make for a more sustainable rate of increase in the debt so long as the cost of borrowing remains low.  But, if the forecasts are optimistic, the fiscal plan is not credible in specifying the extent of consolidation or the fall in tax receipts due to a loss in output from the financial sector is not taken into account, then the debt burden may be seen as not sustainable and bond markets will require higher rates that will increase the cost of borrowing in the economy and stifle growth for years to come. In other words, the government has to get this right tomorrow -- though the General Election in the spring will throw up its own uncertainties, which means that there may be a second bite at the apple in any case.

 

1 December 2009 Sovereign debt risk

 

If Britain loses its AAA rating on its debt, is that as significant as a debt standstill for Dubai? The answer shoudl be 'no' since a number of European countries have already lost their AAA rating on sovereign debt but that does not mean that they are about to default. For smaller countries like the UAE (GDP of $260 billion) whose federation includes Dubai, Dubai's debt of $80 billion exceeds its own GDP and cannot be serviced which means that it is on the brink of default unless creditors agree new terms (which is usually a technical default in the view of credit agencies). For the UK and others (Ireland, Spain), losing the top debt rating just means higher debt servicing costs, i.e., higher interest rates are required to attract purchases of government debt.

 

Morgan Stanley in a report has warned about the possibility of a UK debt crisis in the event of a hung Parliament where the lack of a clear plan to reduce the public debt in those uncertain circumstances could lead to a loss of its AAA rating. However, the likely implication there is not of default but an increase in interest rates on gilts, say from 3.65% to 5%. This could cause a double dip recession if the higher costs of borrowing stymies the recovery. But, this is a far cry from needing a bail-out. This does not mean that a credible plan to bring the debt down is not needed; but rather the reality that high interest rates and slow growth may well ensue. In any case, Dubai's debt can be rolled over by the IMF which is charged to help countries with liquidity crises. Tens of billions for Dubai can be obtained from the IMF's coffers (they recently asked for more money to do just that). But, if Britain's £1.5 trillion economy needed a bail-out, then that is a whole other kettle of (unaffordable) fish.

 

24 November 2009 Gold and the 1970s

 

As gold is now around $1,170 per ounce, some are asking whether this is a repeat of the 1970s when gold hit $850 (or around $2,200 in today's money) in 1980. What they share in common is a concern about inflation which led to a gold rally. However, unlike the 1970s, although rising oil prices are driving up the overall price level at present, there aren't the strongly inflationary, supply-side "shocks" from oil prices which was a hallmark of that decade. Instead, most of the inflationary concerns are due to the stimulative policies and bail-outs of banks. As a consequence, the management of inflation is more in the hands of economic policymakers than when it was driven by the "shocks" of rising oil prices from the Middle East.

 

Also, unlike the 1970s, debt-deflation is now receding but is a hallmark of this recession rather than the stagflation (falling output, rising prices) then. Oil prices are rising now because of the recovery which may choke it off but is not the cause of inflationary expectations. In other words, it is normal for commodity prices to rise as a result of the recovery whereas it was pretty abnormal to have rising energy costs during a recession. Now, how central banks manage inflation in the medium-term when the large amounts of public borrowing and loose monetary policies have to be addressed will determine whether it will be a significant concern and therefore whether gold prices continue to rise.

 

3 November 2009 Another round of funding for British banks: is this the end?

 

The Treasury today announced plans to inject another £25.5 billion into RBS plus another £8 billion if circumstances worsen, taking the public ownership share from 70% to 84%. Unlike RBS which is also entering the Government Asset Protection Scheme (GAPS) that will insure its toxic assets up to some £282 billion with RBS covering the first £60 billion up from £42 billion, Lloyds will no longer join GAPS but the government will nevertheless put in another £5.7 billion to maintain its 43% stake. Last October, the government bailed out these banks to the tune of some £30 billion, making the RBS bail-out the most expensive in history.

 

The approach is different this time to make the most of a rising stock market. However, the appetite for risk may be back as the recovery is underway but are two part-nationalised banks holding toxic assets attractive to buy especially if the state is planning to back out? Also, the need for further recapitalisation points to the ongoing losses on their balance sheets. The IMF estimates that only 40% of troubled assets have been written down, which means that there is more to come. If there is a double dip or W-shaped recovery and traditional assets (consumer loans, housing, commercial property) decline, then RBS and Lloyds may well need more capital and we could be in for another round.

 

On a slightly better note, EU competition rules will require the break-up of these banks receiving state aid. This will hopefully reverse the consolidation in the past decade and which has worsened in this crisis. With more competition, consumers will gain. As would the government if they can sell at a good price. But, until we get on top of the toxic assets, the financial crisis just rolls on.

 

30 October 2009 U.S. (and the world) growing but for how long?

 

The U.S. had exited recession in the 3rd quarter, registering a 3.5% annualised rate of growth. Half of the growth was a result of fiscal stimulus (including a now expired cash-for-clunkers programme), a percentage point from a slowdown in de-stocking and another percentage point from residential investment as builders race to beat the expiration of a $8,000 tax credit offered to new home buyers. Unfortunately, these measures are temporary and growth can only be sustained if private demand takes the place of public spending. So, looking at consumer spending, it was up 3.4% whilst the saving rate fell as well as disposable income. Given the squeeze on income, expenditure looks to be supported by record low (practically 0%) interest rates. Adding more debt to households trying to shed debt does not make for a strong recovery, especially as unemployment is at a 26 year high at 9.8%. In other words, unemployment has exceeded the levels seen in previous recessions and nearing the dismal outcome of the early 1980s one. A weak dollar could boost exports, but there is a limited global market and has been for 30 years and will make imports for expensive, further depressing consumption.

 

That echoes the view of the IMF which has upgraded its growth forecasts for next year, particularly for Asia, adding another 1.25 percentage points to a 5.8% growth, though strong, this is below the average growth rate of the past decade. This seems to a harbinger of the type of growth that we are likely to see during the recovery phase of the Great Recession. Moreover, it has warned that a similar picture of government generated growth in Asia has limits and weak final demand in the U.S. and Europe means that the main export markets for the region will not bounce back quickly. China and India may be registering strong growth, but they are much poorer than the American/European consumer and will not make up the shortfall.

 

The recession has bottomed up and the recovery is starting, but it looks to be a bumpy one.

 

22 October 2009 Revisiting Chinese inflation with trend growth

 

China's 3rd quarter GDP was revealed to be 8.9% today, which is above the 8% target of the government that is around the trend growth rate of per capita GDP. This brings the annual growth rate for the first 9 months to an impressive 7.7% in the midst of the worst global recession in 60 years. Yet, China is still in deflation with consumer prices falling by 0.8% and producer prices are down a whopping 7%, all the while M2 money growth is nearly 30% near the peak of 34% during China's last bout with overheating in 1994. Thus, this is all quite unusual: deflation and excess capacity when the economy is growing at trend rates with such strong money growth and a fiscal stimulus package of around 15-17% of GDP.

 

A usual explanation is that the unleashed credit fuelling the government stimulus (contributing nearly 2/3rds of the growth thus far: 7.7% growth mainly driven by 7.3 percentage point increase in investment, 4 percentage point increase in consumption and 3.6 percentage point decrease in net exports) is creating asset bubbles. There is little evidence of that in housing except in urban areas where house price inflation is growing. Though again urban incomes have grown at 10.5% in 2009, so consumption of housing should follow. What is more puzzling is the stock market, which is now some 60% of its peak in the autumn of 2007 before the crisis hit. The peak of the market was likely a bubble, but is 60% when the economy grew at 9% last year and will exceed 8% this year? Probably and turnover is extremely high, but the price-to-earnings ratio is around the trend of 30 which is larger than other markets but not unsual for China and half of the peak two years ago.

 

With a not yet marketized economy, macro models don't always explain China's movements. Today's puzzling set of growth, excess capacity and price figures make that point quite clear.

 

16 October 2009 The Triffin Dilemma and the dollar

 

Last night on Newsnight, we discussed whether the U.S. dollar will remain the global reserve currency amidst talks that China, Russia and even the Middle East oil exporters are considering pricing energy in euros. The key issue for a currency to serve as the reserve currency was pointed out 50 years ago by Robert Triffin. If a country's currency is drawn upon for international transactions (e.g. purchasing commodities priced in the reserve currency, used in reserve accumulation to act as a buffer against currency speculators), then its capital account must be positive as capital outflows exceed inflows. This implies through the balance of payments identity that the current account must be in deficit, which is expected as strong demand for the reserve currency will decrease competitiveness and therefore exports while imports are cheaper and therefore more is consumed. However, running persistent current account deficits will increase concern about the sustainability of the country's balance of payments, eroding the very position of the reserve currency. Hence the dilemma.

 

Of course, Robert Triffin warned about this in 1960, but the dollar persisted through thick and thin due in large part to the lack of a credible alternative, particularly as the United States was the sole economic superpower for most of the 20th century and certainly since the end of the cold war which made it the "safe haven." But, as the U.S. deficit soars and gold (the classic hedge) breaches $1,000 per ounce, the tide has turned and the Triffin dilemma perhaps realised. To overcome it, the solution must be a set of reserve currencies, else the euro or maybe one day the yuan will suffer the same fate.

 

13 October 2009 UK inflation looks mixed but falling

 

Today's inflation figures paint a complex picture: CPI is down (but still up), RPI is down, RPIX is up. CPI is 1.1% (down from 1.6% in August), while RPI fell further to -1.4% (compared to -1.3% in August) and RPIX (which is RPI minus mortgage interest payments) is 1.3% (down from 1.4% in August) but still up year-on-year just like CPI. Core inflation, stripping out volatile items like food and energy, is 1.7% (down from 1.8% in August). As energy prices have stablised (7.3% annual drop which is the largest since records began), there is downward pressure on prices for households. However, this is more than offset by increases in costs of fuel for transport and clothing, which both caused CPI to record a rise despite the economy being in recession.This is evident in the core inflation figure and reflects the weak Pound since these items of fuel and clothing are imported. Once the cost of housing is measured, then the same trend is seen in the RPIX, though not the RPI which still reflects the dramatic fall in interest rates since last autumn.

 

The Bank of England believes that inflation will remain below target throughout next year. On today's evidence, that looks likely. In fact, if it were not for the weak Pound and the extent of import penetration, then the output gap and rising unemployment would surely mean deflation as seen in the U.S. and other major economies.

 

6 October 2009 Tories and the budget

 

The UK Shadow Chancellor George Osborne set out the principles of a Tory government on the economy, and it involves the expected public spending cuts. But, every cut included a sweetner to protect the less well-off. In total, the Tories would save £7 billion per year over the next Parliament and then another £13 billion each year from increasing the retirement age to 66 for men (and women by 2020) in 2016, a decade earlier than proposed by the Turner Review. Nearly half (£3 billion) would come from cutting the cost of Whitehall by 1/3rd, and the other half (£3.2 billion) from freezing public sector pay in 2011 (except for the lowest paid) -- though it's not clear how that 12 month policy generates savings per year from 2011 onward unless they intend to freeze pay for longer.

 

The current 10 year plan of the government to bring the national debt come down to pre-crisis levels by the early 2030s(!) means that the structural deficit has to be addressed via tightening measures. The IFS expects that there will be a permanent structural deficit of 6.4% of GDP once the economy has fully recovered. This is equivalent to around £90 billion in today's money. To halve the budget deficit to 3.2% of GDP within 5 years as has also been claimed to reassure markets implies tightening of some £44 billion per year, assuming that the cyclical element recedes and all other projections of above-trend growth from 2010 onward hold. This can be back-loaded if the recovery looks fragile, as it is unlikely there will be any tightening until after next year, so thus the 10 year outlook. To tackle it as currently planned til 2017, it is equivalent to £2,840 per household in public spending cuts or tax rises in today's money. Vince Cable, the Lib Dem Treasury spokeperson, is more pessimistic and believes that figure to be 8% of GDP in an article that he wrote for the think tank, Reform. As the Government and the opposition parties position themselves for the upcoming General Election, we will need to see if it all adds up.

 

This is particularly because half of the increase in the debt comes from debt interest payments (constituting 2/3rd) and benefits (making up the remaining 1/3rd). With front line services protected, the cuts in departmental budgets will be drastic, exceeding 7-10% per year if taxes are not increased. America faces the same dilemma and has used it as an opportunity to reform health care -- a priority of the administration due to the campaign promise of universal health care -- and also because entitlements, unlike debt interest payments, can be controlled. They, of course, do not have an election coming up in the spring.

 

24 September 2009 What can the G20 summit achieve?

 

The answer depends on which country you ask. As we are no longer in crisis mode, the focus of the participants will be more scattered. The priority areas differ greatly. Each country seems to have a different one, e.g., U.S.: financial regulatory reform (not pay caps but more capital held in banks), global imbalances, climate change through removing fuel subsidies in developing countries, Britain: global imbalances and financial reform, France/Germany: bankers' pay (and not global imbalances) and clamping down on tax havens, India: maintaining stimulus spending, China: exit strategies of the U.S. and EU to prevent them from inflating away their public debts, and so forth. But, they all agree that the recovery is fragile and financial regulatory reform is needed to prevent a repeat of the crisis. Now, if only the means to achieve these goals were as straightforward.

 

23 September 2009 Reducing carbon intensity + energy intensity = carbon emissions cuts?

 

China made headlines with a commitment to reduce carbon intensity at the UN climate change conference taking place today. President Hu vowed to reduce carbon intensity which is an improvement over just reducing energy intensity but fell short of announcing any emissions targets. President Obama similarly didn't commit to any targets to cut carbon emissions. Reducing energy inefficiency would increase the efficiency of energy used to produce each unit of GDP. China is 1/6th as efficient as Europe and 1/7th as efficient as Japan, so there is scope to improve energy use. Cutting carbon intensity would improve the mix of energy sources -- away from coal and toward more green fuels. As China's energy is primarily powered by coal, this is a notable shift.

 

Both, though, would only reduce the rate of growth of carbon emissions but not the level, which is expected to grow as China develops. It also suits the goals of the Chinese government in that they have wanted for some time to improve energy efficiency (and energy security) so using a mix of energy that is not reliant on imported fuels would allow them to achieve both aims. But, conservation and cutting emissions are different, and these efforts alone will not achieve the hoped for Copenhagen target of cutting carbon emissions by 2050.

 

16 September 2009 The case for narrow banks

 

John Kay's idea in today's FT, and which has been picked up on by Mervyn King of the Bank of England, to go beyond a "new Glass-Steagall" and create narrow banks is certainly worth debating. He argues that restoring the separation between retail and investment banking as had been done under Glass-Steagall is insufficient since the funds are co-mingled within universal banks. Instead, he proposes that retail, high street banks with full state guarantees and protected deposits should be narrow banks that make their money on lending to the real economy of firms and consumers. Investment banks, which will not be guaranteed, are entirely separate and allowed to fail if they take on too much risk and doing so would not risk deposits or taxpayers' money.

 

We debated this point in our last podcast in the Oxford 'The Credit Crunch and Global Recession' series, and the issue surrounds whether it is possible to prevent narrow banks from investing their money in the wider financial sector habited by investment banks. In the secondary banking crisis in Britain in the mid 1970s and the savings and loan crisis of the mid 1980s in the USA, it was building societies who failed in part due to over-exposing themselves to such risky investments as well as unsound strategies pursuing the real estate boom. Northern Rock is a current example of a bank that was overly reliant on wholesale money markets to fund their short-term borrowing to make long-term loans focused on a housing bubble. It is not a universal bank which undertook investment banking bets on troubled assets which went bad. It failed because short-term liqudity dried up and the housing bubble looked to be bursting.

 

If these narrow banks can be regulated to curtail such risky investments and strategies, including relying on deposits (guaranteed by state deposit insurance) to make their loans, then that may well ensure a more stable banking system in the future. It depends very much on regulation getting it right, but could harken back to a time when retail banking was focused on real businesses and not speculative investments. Also, the protection of deposits is key and this approach addresses that issue squarely.

 

15 September 2009 Will there be another financial crisis?

 

On the anniversary of the failure of Lehman Brothers that triggered the global financial crisis, that is the question on many people's minds. Unfortunately, the answer is yes as financial crisis occur on a fairly regular basis around the world: this crisis was preceded by the dot.com bubble in 2000/01, LTCM failing/Asian financial crisis in 1997-98, Peso crisis in 1994, ERM collapse in 1992, S&L crisis in the U.S. in the late 1980s, fist generation currency crisis in Latin America in 1981-82, etc.

 

Accepting that there will always be crises is not the same as not adopting better reforms. There are lessons that can be learned from this one to avoid a repeat of the prospect of systemic banking failure that makes this particular global financial crisis the most potent since the 1930s. Just as after the 1929 Wall Street crash, a new set of regulations (e.g., Glass-Steagall Act of 1933) and regulators (U.S. SEC was formed in 1934) were devised that has prevented such a systemic crisis for nearly a century, there is an opportunity now to do the same before we return to "business as usual" or other issues (public spending, health care reform) knock this off the agenda.

 

First, the regulations governing finance has to incentivize financiers away from risk-taking that generates paper profits that do not translate into real economic activity. Capital markets are supposed to allocate capital to their most efficient uses, and debt creation that generates revenues which becomes bonuses must be moderated. Leverage is important for firms as borrowing can help with cash flow, as is secrutization which can spread the risk. The issue is how to prevent excess. As such, counter-cyclical capital requirements and deferred bonuses (paid in shares with clawback provisions in the case of losses) are ways to limit such undesirable activities. Banks are also special in an economic system so they are unlike other firms and could end up taking more risk. Orderly dissolution (adoption of "living wills") can reinstate market discipline that bankruptcy is an option, and will not only increase transparency but also prevent the loss of confidence associated with the failure of Lehman.

 

It is also not just an issue of getting the right regulations in principle, but implementation at the global level. Regulatory arbitrage is always an issue, which is why global regulations are needed for global markets. For many, this is the biggest sticking point and why even the French will not unilaterally put a cap on bankers' pay for fear of Paris losing business to London, New York, etc. But, international norms can induce compliance where nations see it in their own self-interest to have better governed financial markets. The Basel Committee of the Financial Stability Board is a good example of setting capital rules which nations adopt voluntarily as finance is not an area where countries will race to the bottom since instability rather than profit will result. The reining in of tax havens is another good example where non-G20 countries such as Liechtenstein have agreed to conform to the global norm. The same would apply to Asian countries who in theory would benefit from having avoided the worst of the crisis and facilitate the shift in economic weight from West to East. Having experienced some of the worst financial crises in the recent past, they are more and not less likely to seek better global governance of capital markets.

 

We are past the days of retail banking as the central business of banks, and financial innovation has been beneficial in many respects, including funding riskier small businesses and allowing households to improve their intertemporal asset allocations. But, laws exist to set parameters of markets, and reform is needed. Asking the Financial Stability Board to consider the appropriate rules governing global markets is the right course as an internationally representative body. Adoption by the G20 later this month will send the right signal that lessons have been learned, though the road to implementation will undoubtedly be tough.

 

10 September 2009 China's "going out" policy

 

Following on from Nanjing Automotive Industry Holdings Inc.'s purchase of UK's Rover, Beijing Automotive (BAIC) is seeking to become a minority shareholder in a bid for GM's Saab, while another Chinese car marker, Geely, is interested in Ford's Volvo unit after numerous other recent queries including a deal for Hummer and a failed attempt to buy Opel. It is certainly a sign of the maturation of China's "going out" policy which was launched in the mid 1990s to encourage its firms to become global players, acquiring brands that can quickly establish them in world markets, particularly in atutomobiles where brand recognition and reliable supply chains are crucial.  

 

This is a state-direct effort in many respects. First, the Chinese government is partially opening its capital account to permit such outward FDI, which was only allowed in 2004. Second, the Chinese authorities recently announced that they will use their foreign exchange reserves to fund overseas acquistions by Chinese firms instead of buying Western government debt denominated in the same foreign currencies, e.g., dollar, euro. Third, BAIC and Shanghai Automotive (SAIC) which failed to make a success of a unit of SUVs from Hyundai are state-owned enterprises, charged from the very start of reforms to devleop this technology-intensive sector. Geely is a privately run company, but the largest companies in China still count state-owned enterprises among them, and therefore, the deep poickets of the state in funding the Saab deal.

 

The rationale makes sense for the Chinese in a number of respects. It has the fastest growing car market in the world and wants to serve it with domestic firms. Western car makers have the brands but are mired in cost and inefficiencies. Aftef decades of fostering the industry, it has few name brand cars, like the Chery, none of which are sold in developed markets. And, finally, allowing capital outflows will reduce its balance of payments surplus so that it can cease building its holdings of Treasuries. Even if the Chinese do not succeed in turning around these auto makers, the chance that the yield will be better than that on Western government debt makes it a worthwhile effort.

 

4 September 2009 Exit strategies and bankers' pay

 

The G20 finance ministers' meeting taking place today and tomorrow in London is to lay the groundwork for the G20 summit later this month in the USA. The agenda will be focused on coordinating exit strategies from the fiscal and particularly monetary policies used to stimulate the world's economies and also to prevent a recurrence of this crisis by better regulating the financial sector. Several central banks (the USA and ECB) have already laid out some measures that could be used to unwind their quantitative easing programmes. The use of interest rates to fine tune the economy whilst this is going on (the selling of accumulated government and corporate bonds), as suggested by the ECB, is a good manoever but a tricky one if the recoverty is as fragile as most believe. In other words, selling billions worth of government bonds into the economy will push up borrowing costs and depress growth. With a 1% interest rate in the Euro area, the ECB has some latitude to cut interest rates which is unavailable to the US and UK with near zero rates.

 

Preventing a recurrence of this crisis is the other big issue, which has been cast as capping bankers' pay by the French with the agreement of the Germans, while the Americans advocate greater capital requirements as the solution. The British position agrees in principle with the other Europeans but fall short of limiting pay as the outcome. As banking is special, risk-taking has to be deterred because the losses will result in a public bail-out. However, to achieve this aim is no mean task. Proposals also include a "will" for banks for orderly dissolution so that failure does not necessitate a bail-out, counter-cyclical capital requirements, limiting bank size, Tobin tax on transactions, etc. No single approach is likely to be enough and international guidelines are essential to avoid jurisdiction shopping, but at least while the political will is there to address this issue, there is some hope that we do not return to the excesses of the past decade that was clearly an unsustainable bubble.

 

31 August 2009 What moves the Chinese stock market?

 

The Shanghai composite index has reversed the gains of the past three months, but is still up over 60% since the start of year, nearly reversing the 72% slump from its peak in October 2007 at the start of the financial crisis. Per my post on August 11th, this pick up is not dissimilar to the movement in the European markets, though China has more reasons to be optimistic. Unfortunately, the history of the Chinese stock market makes its gains more suspect, and for good reason.

 

The main source of its volatility has to do with the restrictions on the market itself. Capital controls limit both domestic and international investors -- the former from investing overseas, the latter from investing in it. The predominance of non-tradeable shares held by the state or state-owned enterprises make it a market of limited liquidity, though the capital controls on domestic investors make it at the same time one of the most liquid (in terms of shares changing hands) of stock markets. This unusual combination often seems to overwhelm the link to corporate profitability that should underpin a bourse, and results in a stock market that appears to be driven by sentiment.

 

The Chinese are used to it. But, as global markets follow the Chinese movements, expect the unexpected.

 

27 August 2009 Tobin tax and the future of finance

 

Lord Turner's suggestion of a Tobin tax on financial transactions has sparked a worthwhile debate on the future of finance. A Tobin tax levies a small (say 0.1%) tax on transactions to introduce friction into an otherwise very liquid financial markets. The idea was revivied in the late 1990s when rapid flows of "hot money" or short-term portfolio flows derailed Asian markets by triggering a currency crisis on the back of a finanical crisis in those economies. In other words, when Thailand first experienced bankruptcies that put pressure on its banking system, capital quickly flowed out of the economy which put downward pressure on the exchange rate that in turn worsened the financial crisis insofar as numerous loans were denominated in foreign currencies that became more expensive with devaluation, and giving us the first currency and financial crisis which is the hallmark of the third generation models. By imposing a transaction tax, then portfolio flows would slow and not be so quick to either enter or exit an economy, and limiting the damage of liquidity.

 

Opponents point to the benefits of liquid capital markets, which give pricing signals and enable financing that promotes investment. However, in the current financial crisis, it's apparent that trading also generates significant revenues and thus large bonuses which cause excessive risk-taking. By imposing a Tobin tax, the friction will reduce trades (which were the largest revenue generator for most of the banks this year) and, by extension, bonuses.

 

Whether the link is clear as that, the proposal certainly adds to the current debate over financial regulatory reform. The G20 principles on bankers' pay that have been implemented most energetically in France focus on linking bonuses to profits and not revenues, and introducing a "clawback" if there are future losses. The failed American insurer AIG had a bonus system linked to profits but still ended up as the largest bankruptcy and bail-out in history. No single tenet is enough, and more debate seems warranted. Along those lines, I will be a cross-examiner in the CNBC Global Debate -- The Future of Finance: New Rules, Same Game? on October 1st in Doha and broadcast on October 12th. For the sake of all of us as taxpayers, this issue of bankers' pay requires much more discussion.

 

24 August 2009 Where is Chinese inflation?

 

With China's commercial property sector developing rapidly on the back of over 7 trillion RMB of lending in the first half of this year and now rivalling that of the U.S. and UK, renewed concern arises over an asset bubble and inflationary pressures in China. Adding the fiscal stimulus package of 4 trillion RMB plus an additional trillion on health and rural pensions, China's nominal GDP should be around one-third larger. This is coupled with a healthy current account suplus clocking in an additional $177 billion in foreign exchange reserves in the first half of of 2009. With this amount of spending, liquidity and economic growth in the second quarter of just under 8% which doesn't suggest significant excess capacity, it is not surprising that these concerns arise but puzzling that China is in deflation.

 

M2 growth, however, exceeds target and both asset classes (stocks and real estate) have grown at double digit rates since the start of the year. It seems that assets are bearing the brunt of inflationary pressures which has tended to be the case in the 2000s, which has escaped the inflationary cycles of the 1980s and 1990s. But when this last occurred in the late 1990s in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis, Chinese growth itself was questioned in the presence of deflation and falling energy consumption. This time, energy consumption is up, but growth is again occurring in the midst of deflation, though potential asset bubbles exist in its main investment classes. Undoubtedly questions will be raised about the sustainability of China's asset growth, but perhaps also its economic growth.

 

22 August 2009 It's not only the banking system that harkens to the 1930s

 

The abandonment of the gold standard by the United States in the 1930s had the effect of causing an inflationary spiral in China with echoes of today's attempts to emerge from the global financial crisis. In 1933-34, to fight deflation from the Great Depression, the U.S. devalued the dollar against gold by 40% and also instituted rapid money supply expansion. Monetary growth was fuelled by large-scale silver purchases whereby the U.S. issued silver certificates in exchange for silver and these certificates were used as currency, thereby adding to the domestic money supply. However, in the early 1930s, China (and the British colony of Hong Kong) linked their currencies to silver. As demand for silver grew which pushed up its price, China and Hong Kong experienced significant inflationary pressures that led to the abandonment of their currency regimes.

 

This episode has unfortunate parallels in the aftermath of the current global financial crisis when concerns about ‘debt deflation’ due to the banking crisis coupled with the de-leveraging efforts of households and firms in the U.S. has led to expansionary monetary and fiscal policy with some worrying consequences in the eyes of the Chinese and other emerging economies. Some may view a historical episode as too removed from the current dilemma. However, the Chinese perspective is well-known to be long-term. When asked what he thought of the French Revolution two centuries later, the then Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai said that it was too early to tell. Trying to decipher Chinese policy would be remiss if the historical context was dismissed, and something that President Obama should bear in mind when he makes his first visit to Beijing in mid November.

 

18 August 2009 Is Britain being left behind?

 

With Germany and France, and now Japan coming out of recession, Britain and the U.S. are alone among the largest economies to still be in recession. China, the third largest economy in the world, recorded over 7% growth in the second half of 2008 and the first half of this year, so it was never in recession. Topping it off, Australia also grew in the second (and first) quarters, so it avoided a technical recession, whilst other major economies like fellow G7 member, Canada, also appears to be doing better than the UK. Even Italy, the remaining member of the G7 and third largest economy in the Euro Zone contracted at 0.5% in the second quarter, which is better than the 0.8% decline in Britain and 1% contraction in the States.

 

I discussed the Euro Zone in last week's post (August 13th), so focusing now on the non-European major economies of Australia and Canada, they have fared better because their banking systems were not embroiled in the securitisation business that has derailed the U.S., UK and Western Europe. They have suffered from the credit crunch but their real economies are not leveraged (indebted) as is the case in the UK and USA, which also explains why France and Germany have experienced a growth spurt while the US and UK contracted in the second quarter. Both economies are major commodity, including energy, exporters (making up over 1/3rd of Canadian exports and over half of Australian exports) which benefit from the stimulus programmes around the world that are geared at infrastructure, namely in the U.S. and China. Notably, Australia's exports are linked to China's growth, while 80% of Canadian exports go to America, and Australia has outperformed all of the other major economies. Their economies are similar to Britain (e.g., services-dominated, trade deficit/consumption-oriented), but they did not splurge so much during the credit boom so are better positioned. Also, their significant endowments of natural resources support their export sector at time when the developing world is experiencing industrialisation (e.g., China, India), placing them in a favourable position that is fairly unusual for developed economies.

 

Is Britain lagging? Yes, in the sense that the UK (and the U.S.) are still in recession while other major economies (even those with credit exposure like Germany's banking sector) have pulled out. The main reason has to be the cost of the bank bail-outs and resultant credit crunch. The financial sector boosted growth during the boom and industry shrank as a proportion of GDP. Thus, Britain doesn't have the re-stocking boost seen in other economies, and suffers from dear credit and even positive inflation (CPI out today shows 1.8% for July), which stymies consumption. Britain also has to de-leverage and re-build its economy to take the place of the smaller financial sector to avoid a permanent decline in output, so there are significant challenges ahead. However, the inventory effect can be temporary so the other major economies may well fall back into negative output growth. In any case, the recession has likely levelled out for Britain and America due to the slowing of output contraction. In the longer term, the structural changes necessary (reversion to saving, reduced reliance on financial innovation) and a strong services sector (especially at the high value end) are positives. It's not an easy task and impossible during a boom, but the global financial crisis has altered the approach to growth. The internationalist outlook of Britain alongside a history of good governance makes it possible that the UK will not remain a laggard.


13 August 2009 Recession ending in Germany and France?

 

Technically, with 0.3% growth in Germany and France in the second quarter, recession has seemingly ended in the two largest economies in the Euro Zone. The Euro Zone itself registered a 0.1% contraction, better than the 2.5% fall in the first quarter but not yet ending the recession. As guest presenter on CNBC Europe this morning, no one seemed particularly optimistic that there won't be a dip later in the year. There are a number of reasons. De-stocking had been so fierce that re-stocking has bumped up industrial production leading to industrial growth in May of 0.6% but then a fall of 0.6% in June in the Euro Zone which points to an inventory effect, particularly significant in Germany and France as industrial powers. As industry constitutes 1/3rd of GDP in those economies, an upturn in industrial output would generate growth. But, by the same token, the downturn may well drag down growth again, leading to a weak, W-shaped recovery. Second, export growth for Germany has resumed at 7% (fastest rate in 3 years) and registers a current account surplus of around 3% of GDP because imports have fallen more quickly due to a low consumption base. Exports of capital goods are driven by infrastructure spending in the fiscal stimuluses of America and China. Once those funds end, then export growth will taper off. Third, consumption growth looks weak in the recovered economies of Germany and France, more so in the former due to a savings rate exceeding 10% and an economy geared at exports. Where consumption is growing is related to fiscal policy such as the car scrappage scheme in France which has driven household consumption upward by 0.4%. Other countries in the Euro Zone like Spain and Ireland have to de-leverage or shed debt, offering little in support of consumption growth in the euro area. Fourth, global re-balancing will involve Germany which had the second highest trade surplus in the world only after China before the crisis. As Americans save (saving rate has increased five-fold since the financial crisis), there will be global re-balancing in that consumption will decline and the trade deficit fall which will be matched by shrinking surpluses elsewhere. Without the boost from exports and fiscal stimulus spending, exports will not much of an engine for sustained recovery. Fifth, Germany and France both have short-time workers which has staved off unemployment and maintained incomes, particularly as wage compression reins in costs. If final demand does not increase, then these schemes can't be maintained and a squeeze on income will follow.

 

Although the Euro Zone and Germany in particular have suffered greater contractions in GDP than America and its banks are estimated by the European Central Bank (ECB) to have 800 billion euros of toxic assets, the rebound from recession is sharper than in the U.S. and the UK, both of which are still down 1% and 0.8% in the second quarter and mired in recession though bottoming out. Perhaps the sharp contraction leads to a V-shaped movement for the reasons aforementioned, but this is good news as any growth is welcome. The real question is whether it will last beyond a couple of quarters.

 

12 August 2009 Bank of England inflation conundrum

 

In today's Inflation Report, the Bank provided the backdrop to its unexpected decision to expand quantitative easing (QE) last week (see August 6th post) by £50 billion by sharing its latest economic forecast. But, the report increased the inflation projection from a low of 0.6% to just under 1% to be reached in the autumn, suggesting that inflation is more stubborn than they had thought in May. Usually, an upgrade of the expected inflation rate signals an increase in interest rates but not this time. By injecting another £50 billion, not ruling out more QE and downgrading GDP growth to -5.5% with no recovery expected until 2010, the Bank is signalling that interest rates will remain low for some time. Stubbornly high inflation is likely due to the weak Pound pushing up import prices, but that would typically tie the hands of the central bank working to an inflation target to not continue with loose monetary policies. In other words, its QE programme and the level of government borrowing are driving down the value of Sterling which is in turn fuelling inflation.  By doing the unexpected is another typifier of how severe this recession is.

 

11 August 2009 Was the UK VAT cut passed on?

 

In the ONS monthly Economic and Labour Market Review journal published today, an article stated that 34% of stores did not pass on the 2.5% VAT cut in December 2008 when the new 15% VAT came into effect. By February 2009, half had raised prices back to what they were in November before the cut (36%) or even increased them (16%). The stores cited higher import prices, reflecting the weak Pound, as the reason.

The ONS estimates that the VAT cut reduced CPI by 0.5 percentage points which helped inflation stay nearer target. However, the bigger controversy is whether the cut has worked as it is the centrepiece of the government's £25 billion fiscal stimulus) and should it be continued as it is due to expire at the end of the year. If it isn't passed onto consumers, then the cost of £12 billion will seem wasteful as inflation was due to fall as a result of the worst period of economic contraction in any case. Although the cut would have increased store margins and left money in the economy instead of paid in taxes, not being passed through to consumers removes the most important part of the Keynesian multiplier which works through consumption. As extending the cut beyond the end of year is debated, whether the VAT cut stimulates growth or is just another source of the ever expanding fiscal deficit will matter.

 

11 August 2009 Does a stock market rally and rising house prices amount to a recovery?

 

The European stock market is up 42% over the past 5 months since its trough in March, nearly recovering from the 51% drop since the start of the financial crisis around June 2007, while the UK housing market is showing signs of stablisation. The Royal Institute of Chartered Surveyors (RICS) no longer believes that house prices will fall by 10-15% in 2009 and the last quarter of the year may see higher prices than the end of 2008. Does this equal a recovery? Not necessarily. Although equity prices can be a leading indicator (preceding the business cycle) insofar as stock prices reflect the discounted present value of future earnings of a company, they have historically been more accurate for the U.S. than for Europe. Moreover, even in the S&P 500 Index, although some 2/3rd of companies reported profits in the first half of this year, the drivers were restructuring debt and cost cutting rather than strong revenue growth. Thus, the rally may subside unless there are signs that demand has recovered. Markets, though, sometimes have a logic of their own.

 

As for house prices, it is undoubtedly the case that significant under-supply continues to drive the housing recovery. Cheap rates on mortgages, although large deposits of 25-50% are now required, are fuelling a segment of the market, particularly in the south of the country. The Bank of England has not only lowered interest rates to 0.5% (with inflation at 1.8%, it is a negative real interest rate), it has also undertaken quantitative easing which will increase nominal GDP by over 10%, fuelling liquidity. Houses are an asset class, so price rises reflect liquidity and it is a particularly poor sign in Britain where housing suffers from structural under-supply. In another post (July 28th), I outlined how new private residential housing starts could be a better indicator, but again not so for the UK due to planning lags. Therefore, insofar as the stock market rally and housing reflect improved investor sentiment, that is positive. However, with all of the liquidity and cheap (new money) in the economy, these assets may just be a reflection of loose monetary policy.

 

7 August 2009 RBS rounds off a week that shows the financial crisis is ongoing

 

The Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) posted pre-tax profits of £15 million in the first half of 2009, but an impairment loss of £7.5 billion. Like Lloyds, it is partly state-owned with taxpayers holding 70% of the bank and will access the Asset Protection Scheme (APS). Unlike Lloyds, even though it has the British government behind it and thus cannot fail, it is not saying that bad debts have peaked. This is probably because its bad loans are a mixture of toxic assets and property; the former is difficult to value whilst Lloyds was primarily affected by the latter. By the same token, market reaction to RBS is less positive than for Lloyds even though Lloyds had announced twice as many bad debts. 

 

RBS embodies the troubles of the banking sector. Like Northern Rock, it was too reliant on wholesale money markets; like Lloyds, it made a bad decision to acquire ABN Amro which accounted for much of its 2008 losses that was the largest in British corporate history (£24.1 billion loss in 2007, mostly due to a £16.2 billion write-down on the value of ABN Amro); and like Barclays and HSBC, it was caught up in the US sub-prime mortgage market and laden with troubled assets.

 

RBS eeked out a profit today due to some one-off measures and restructuring (buying back debt at lower interest rates leading to a £3.8 billion gain, shedding non-core businesses in Asia including selling its stake in the Bank of China). Its investment banking arm made a profit on the back of the various government guarantee schemes outlined my August 5th post like Barclays and HSBC, but the rest of the business looks weak. It is the right thing to do to de-leverage, but RBS's outlook will remain poor until it shows its hand as to the extent of bad debts. With a bail-out of £20 billion and RBS poised to access the APS, the taxpayer will be paying tens if not hundreds of billions for this bank. With the size of losses already seen and still to come, we may own all of RBS before long.

 

What this week's bank results are showed was that bad debts are high and not yet peaked for all of the banks, retail banking is not a strong growth driver though lending to homeowners is up but business lending is down, banks need to repair balance sheets so are unwilling to lend to businesses that look riskier during a recession, traditional assets (mortgages, commercial property) decline in a recession that is adding to the impairments caused by troubled assets, and profits are only found in investment banking which is implicitly or explicitly in the case of the part-nationalised banks backed up by government guarantees. The picture it paints is of a clogged and weak banking sector that may well choke off a real economic recovery. The actions of the Bank of England yesterday look warranted, though it may still need to lend directly to companies as the Americans have which has increased the money supply (1.2% increase in M2 in 2009Q2) in the U.S. instead of trying to increase money and lending through a still clogged banking system.

 

6 August 2009 QE surprise

 

Taking markets (and most economists) by surprise, the Bank of England increased its quantitative easing (QE) programme by £50 billion, exceeding the £25 billion left in the £150 billion that it had announced back in March that it would spend. Today's decision was taken with the economic growth and inflation forecasts in hand, so the MPC would have seen unfavourable predictions about the state of the UK economy which we will be told about when the inflation report comes out on August 12th. Citing the slow growth in money (M4) and tight credit conditions, the Bank sees the banking system as being too fragile to support the recovery. Despite the signs of more positive economic data, the judgement of the Bank of England is that the UK economy is still in dire straits.

 

The Bank of England also announced that it will purchase gilts of 3 and 25 year maturities, extending its remit to try and influence shorter- and longer-term borrowing rates, and over a longer period of a further three months. Given that M4 "broad money" growth is the weakest in a decade and corporate lending is down £14.7 billion in the second quarter coinciding with the start of the QE programme in March, there is a question as to the effectiveness of this programme which still relies to some extent on the banking system to work as a money multiplier. In other words, by buying government bonds, the Bank is putting money into the hands of bond sellers who should either then lend out the money or put it in banks and the banks would have more deposits to lend. If this isn't increasing lending because banks are rebuilding balance sheets, then there is an argument to bypass the banks and lend directly to corporations. The Bank has the remit to buy corporate bonds but has so far only bought less than £1 billion. It would increase the risk on the Fed's balance sheets and arguably the type of corporate bonds that they would buy are of firms which can access credit in any case. However, the U.S. Fed has done just that and are currently reining back their extraordinary monetary measures. From today, it's evident that the UK is not in a position to do so.

 

3 August 2009 Week of bank earnings and financial stability

 

Profits of around £3 billion each for Barclays and HSBC announced today in their half-yearly statements for the first 6 months of 2009 will lead a week in which some profit may also be expected for Lloyds Banking Group and the Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS), though not Northern Rock. Ironically, the profit driver is the investment banking arm -- the same source of the toxic assets that nearly brought down the banking sector last autumn. A smaller set of remaining investment banks and government backing of lending, including asset-backed securities (UK: Credit Guarantee Scheme & Asset-Backed Securities Guarantee Scheme; US: Term Asset-Backed Lending Facility; USA/Europe: wholesale lending guarantees) have boosted investment banking in those banks which did not receive direct government bail-outs. Indeed, the earnings projection is weaker but still positive in those which did -- Lloyds and RBS -- but the latter's expected profits will likely reflect debt restructuring and one-off transactions, such as RBS selling its stake in the Bank of China, typical of the de-leveraging taking place across the corporate sector at this point in the cycle.

 

With lingering bad debts in the system, the banks which have not been bailed out are benefitting from the market signal that their positions are sounder than those which been part-nationalised. However, the continuing write-downs of toxic assets as well as declines in traditional assets (commercial property, credit cards) also revealed in the earnings statements indicate that there is bad news in retail banking and lending, likely with more impairment of the balance sheets to come. Thus, the accuracy of this supposed market signal remains to be seen. Nevertheless, any sign of financial stability will be eagerly grasped because it is a pre-requisite to sustained economic recovery. The likely view from this week of earnings will echo the mixed picture in the real economy which shows a bottoming out of the downturn but weak and uncertain prospects going ahead.

 

UPDATE: 4 August 2009 -- Northern Rock has reported losses of £724.2 million in the first half of 2009 on account of bad loans tripling. Unfortunately for tax payers, this is a wholly nationalised bank that accounts for 8% of our national debt. The plan to divide it into a "good" bank holding deposits and new mortgages (BankCo) and a "bad" bank (AssetCo) retaining the risky mortgages that are turning bad with the recession (falling house prices and rising unemployment) is intended to make it easier to sell. However, with mortgages in negative equity rising from 33% to 39% on its books, it is hard to see who would want to buy AssetCo. Selling BankCo while the market is depressed may also not get the best price. Keeping the two together may depress our national balance sheet in the short term, but it may just help taxpayers to recoup some of that investment in the future.

 

UPDATE: 5 August 2009 -- Though it reported a pro forma profit (due to the price paid for HBOS being less than its fair value), Lloyds' results show a loss of £4 billion with 80% of the write-downs due to its takeover of HBOS. Interestingly, its losses are primarily due to the decline of traditional assets like commercial property as a result of the recession and not because of the complex securitised instruments which have impaired the balance sheets of other banks. It isn't even due to its mortgage books. Unlike Northern Rock, its arrears ratio is similar to the industry average, though nearly 1/3 of its buy-to-let mortgages are in negative equity. However, similar to Northern Rock, its portfolio is disproportionately in property rather than corporate loans or investment banking and thus did not benefit from the growth driver of the government guarantees of corporate lending that helped Barclays and HSBC offset its bad loan write-downs. In fact, the corporate loan book inherited from HBOS was also of poorer than average quality. For taxpayers, it means that the £13.4 billion impairment charges in the first half of the year confirms that it will draw on the Asset Protection Scheme which provides a floor of 10% or an estimated £25 billion on its losses (plus a £16 billion fee) but we as taxpayers will cover the other 90%. At least, the government own 43% of Lloyds, so if there is an upside, then the taxpayers will partake in it since we are clearly paying for the downside.

 

31 July 2009 A law and economics perspective is needed

 

My new book out today (The Law and Economics of Globalisation) is a collection of papers by lawyers, economists and inter-disciplinary scholars examining the evolution of the global economic system. What this global financial crisis has highlighted is the importance of the governance of markets, at the domestic and also the international level. Although not about the crisis itself, the volume analyses cutting edge issues in the globalisation arena in this area. Economics has come under a great deal of criticism in this crisis. Another area where economics needs to evolve is to expand the law and economics field from microeconomic analysis of the impact of domestic laws to encompass the international dimension of the emerging global system of economic governance. The minimal attention paid to the latter was a reason for the lack of monitoring of globalised capital markets. Examining the economic impact of international law is both fruitful academically and can help shape the current debate about how best to regulate the increasingly integrated world economy. This book is a step in that direction.

 

28 July 2009 Are rising house prices a good sign?

 

The Land Registry recorded the first increase in UK house prices since January 2008 before the start of the recession. A 0.1% rise in June is a very small, almost negligible monthly increase, but one nevertheless. It mirrors other housing surveys which have suggested stabilisation in house prices, but the Land Registry is more accurate as it is based on actual transacted prices, though other indices based on mortgage approvals tend to be more timely.

 

Is this a positive sign in a recession? Not necessarily. With record low interest rates and an under-supply of housing in London and the south east in particular, it is not surprising that these two regions -- as well as the south west and the east -- experienced price rises. Other regions, primarily in the north, registered falls.

 

Generally, economists prefer new private housing starts as an indicator of future economic activity, a leading indicator of the business cycle. Due to the lag involved in house building, expectations of recovery will drive housing starts. Looking at the U.S., two months of increases in new housing starts suggests that recovery is on the horizon. However, this may not be such a good indicator for Britain. Supply constraints such as planning prevent residential housing from responding as well to changes in demand in the UK. In any case, it is still better to look at new housing starts than house prices since the latter could simply reflect the view of housing as an investment when the interest earned on savings is near zero.

 

27 July 2009 When a dialogue is a dialogue

 

It's not unsual for policymakers to play down expectations of what can be achieved at summits, but the current US-China Strategic & Economic Dialogue (S&ED) really is pitched as a dialogue. The semi-annual meetings started under Hank Paulson used to just focus on economic issues and thus were known as the SED. But, the first in the Obama administration will be led by Hilary Clinton and Timothy Geitner each running a stream as well as a cross-stream of talks to cover foreign policy as well. With the agenda ranging from currencies to climate change to North Korea, and global re-balancing to US debt to human rights, the two days in Washington are not enough time to produce substantive policy without the groundwork ahead of time. Thus, realistically, this dialogue is actually what it says on the label -- talks to open lines of communication on foreign affairs and economic issues.

 

What will be interesting to observe is whether the U.S. suggests this S&ED to be equivalent to a G2. Under Bush II, the Americans proclaimed their relationship with China to be their most important bilateral relationship. Or, by starting a similar dialogue with India as just has been announced by Clinton, the Americans are aiming for a multi-polar world. This may be symbolic or could actually point to where US-China relations are headed. Without anything else concrete to watch out for, the directionality of policy may be the most fruitful outcome as Obama begins to reveal where he stands vis-a-vis the other half of the twin engines of global growth in the world.

 

24 July 2009 The UK still in recession: second quarter GDP is -0.8%

 

Although Britain is still in recession and the second quarter figure is above the consensus forecast of -0.3%, the good news is that the pace of decline has slowed. After 4 quarters of accelerating contraction, the economy is shrinking but not as quickly in the 5th quarter of decline. However, the worse than expected figure points to the prerequisite for recovery which depends on financial stabilisation. Credit conditions still appear to be poor -- lending is expensive despite record low interest rates, and scarce because of the withdrawal of foreign lenders who are in their home countries mending their own balance sheets. Also, compared with the recession in the early 1980s which was also characterised by a global recession, indebtedness of households is a further hindrance. In that recession, the peak-to-trough fall was 6.4%. In this one, today's figure brings that to just under 6%, suggesting that the economy may have further to go before the recession is over.

 

Construction has been hit badly by both the credit crunch and the real economy contraction. Accounting for 6% of GDP, it has registered larger declines than even manufacturing. In the second quarter, the figures were 2.2% vs. 0.3%, respectively. However,  the pace of decline has slowed considerably -- construction fell 6.9% in the first quarter. A less dramatic contraction in GDP and in this sector give some cause for optimism. In today's ITV News at Ten, we will visit two construction companies to see if they can shed some light on where we are in the cycle. First, new housing starts are a leading indicator of the business cycle. If firms believe that housing demand will pick up, then they will build and the lead time involved means that they will precede the cycle. Second, commercial property is more coincident and pro-cyclical to the needs of firms. Meeting two such companies will indicate whether the recession has bottomed out and whether recovery is on the horizon.

 

23 July 2009 Retail sales growth is not as promising as it appears

 

The latest retail sale figure for June in the UK shows an increase of nearly 3% from a year ago, but it's due to volumes growing as a result of price cuts whilst sales have falled in value terms for non-food establishments. Price cutting is another indicator of recession as firms get rid of stock in the down part of the cycle. Volumes and values are up for food retailers, but they have fared well throughout the recession as spending on food and necessities do not usually fall and indeed could rise as consumers cut back on restaurants. The closure of restaurants and pubs attests to the weakness of that sector and points to why retail sales is a limited indicator of consumption since it omits hotels, restaurants and other forms of consumption other than spending in retail establishments.

 

Coming back to the sales figure, the squeezing of margins and de-stocking by firms point to the inventory effect. Because firms cannot cut stock forever, they will order and boost production temporarily if there is no sustained growth in final demand (British or overseas consumers). This would lead to a 'W' shaped recovery, which may well be what this recession is given the amount of consumer debt being paid back and thus tepid consumption until that process concludes.

 

21 July 2009 The cost of the crisis

 

Today, the ONS stated that public borrowing for June has taken the public debt to 56.6% of GDP.  Rescuing the financial sector cost a whopping 10% of GDP (excluding financial sector interventions, public debt is 46.6% of GDP). Bailing out banks has cost £141.3 billion with Northern Rock and Bradford & Bingley accounting for £118 billion. The Budget predicted that by March 2010, national debt would rise to 55.4% of GDP, so the current figure is roughly on track. Despite the massive growth in debt, there is nothing surprising in these figures. The Treasury stated in the Budget that public sector borrowing will be £175 billion this year. The monthly figure of £13 billion for June is on course. Where the uncertainty will lie is whether there will be more funds needed for financial sector interventions. As the recession progresses, traditional assets like credit cards and commercial property will be affected. The latter contributed to the failure of West Bromwich Building Society already. Also, the failure (and private sector rescue) of the American bank, CIT, this week shows that banks which been cleared by the stress tests are still vulnerable.

 

Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke has warned against the spread of the financial crisis to other non-toxic asset classes, and there was a mention in the Bank of England semi-annual Financial Stability Report of this risk. If Friday's second quarter GDP figure shows that the recession continues as expected, then there may well be another round of a banking crisis that will surely derail public finances. Total public sector debt has now reached £798.8 billion. Even without more rescues, debt will reach £1 trillion next fiscal year. These rescued banks now owned by taxpayers, though, are not worthless. As the economy recovers, mortgage backed securities will rise in value. We can only hope as taxpayers that we recoup that 10% of GDP eventually. Public finances will sorely need it.

 

16 July 2009 China grows

 

China's government spending has made up for enough of the decline in global demand to achieve a growth rate of 7.9% in the second quarter, bringing growth in the first half of the year to an impressive 7.1% in the midst of a severe global recession. When government spends instead of the private sector, there are consequences, particularly if the spending is funded by loose credit. China's fiscal stimulus of nearly the size of the American one (despite being a much smaller economy) was funded largely by state-owned banks, with a quarter funded by the central government via deficit spending which is also not without consequence. But, the funding of spending through state-owned banks without regard to the accumulation of non-performing loans is akin to funding government spending by seignorage. M2 growth was nearly 30%, exceeding even the very generous target of some 5 percentage points below that level. The record accumulation of foreign exchange reserves exceeding $2 trillion and two not entirely successful bond auctions point to an inability to sterialise inflows and add to the liquidity and inflation in the economy. The reining back of lending by the state is the expected response. In the past, the government -- without the ability to fine-tune due to limited monetary and fiscal policy tools -- goes too far and puts a brake on growth.

 

Without a credit crunch or financial crisis to contend with at home, this is not dissimilar to China's other business cycles. What the government will be hoping for is that the foundation of this expansionary policy is a preferable stimulus package geared at infrastructure and social spending, such as health. Therefore, there will be longer term output with eventual returns and the non-performing loans will not materialise because these are productive investments. As China needs roads and better support of its citizens, it may well be different this time and China will emerge from this global downturn with a more sustainable economic structure and improved infrastructure. In any case, as with other major economies, government spending to counteract the worst global asset bubble seen in nearly a century was warranted. By achieving its self-imposed growth target of 8%, the Chinese government will rest easier.

 

15 July 2009 Economic pain during the recovery

 

Unemployment is what economists call a lagging indicator because it tends to worsen even as the economy begins to recover. Employers are reluctant to hire until they are confident that the recovery is permanent and their businesses are on a sound footing. Vacancies at the moment are at a record low and redundancies are at a historic high. In the last two recessions in the early 1980s and 1990s, the unemployment rate rose to 10%, equating to 3 million people out of work. The UK has been in recession since the second quarter of last year and the unemployment rate has streadily risen from around 5% to 7.2% for the three months ending in April. Today's figure is expected to show a further increase in both the unemployment rate and those claiming unemployment benefits, the claimant count, which is currently 1.54 million. Government projections show that the claimant count could rise to 2.87 million during this recession, showing how much more pain there is to come.

 

Rising unemployment, particularly if it is long-term, is particularly damaging to individuals and the economic recovery. It can breed insecurity both in those who are unemployed and also those who fear losing their jobs. This in turn depresses consumption, which dents demand. This process can prevent the economy from coming out of the cycle. As firms cut prices to sell inventory, purchasing power of consumers increases that can in turn lead to higher demand and to business investment which heralds a recovery. Firms which are investing and growing will then increase employment, and the economy grows again. If, however, unemployment results in "scarring" and the insecurity severely dampens consumption, then the economy will not recover well. This is where government measures play a role, as most vividly seen during the Great Depression when Keynesianism advocated measures to address demand deficiency as a driver of business cycles.

 

Thus, unemployment will tend to rise during the peak-to-trough side of the cycle and afterward. At the moment, most of the increase in unemployment is a result of redundancies and fewer vacancies, particularly for graduates. Although this unemployment is broad-based and has hit manufacturing areas particularly hard (West Midlands, Yorkshire and the Humber), the rise in joblessness is still largely cyclical. Keeping a watchful eye to prevent it from becoming long-term will be crucial. 

 

Update: Today's figures show that unemployment has risen to 7.6% or 2.381 million unemployed. Another 281,000 people are out of work from March to May, showing the largest quarterly increase in unemployment since such measurements began in 1971. The claimant count is at 1.56 million, adding 23,800 people to those claiming Jobseekers' Allowance. This is the smallest monthly increase since last May, though the overall number of claimants is expected to continue to increase despite fluctuations in month-to-month measures. Given the extent of the credit crunch and the scale of the financial crisis, unemployment is another sign of the severity of the downturn. More so, it is further evidence that unemployment is the issue to tackle to sustain a recovery.

 

14 July 2009 Short-term gains versus long-term aims for China

 

It's not surprising that Chinese competition authorities will scrutinise the Rio Tinto and BHP Biliton production joint venture as it will affect 75% of all iron ore purchased by China. Ever since the passage of the Anti-Monopoly Law last autumn, multinational corporations were aware that they would have to abide by competition rulings from Beijing as well as Brussels. What is somewhat surprising is the myriad of entanglements with Rio Tinto over accusations of industrial espionage. Although denied by the Chinese authorities, there is a suspicion that this charge is related to the failed deal between Chinalco and Rio Tinto, derailed by Australian politics in the view of the Chinese, and is happening at the same time as the regulatory scrutiny.

 

From Coca-Cola to InBev, China is making its presence on anti-trust issues felt. This is not unexpected as its market grows in importance. What is worrisome is if China's application of its competition policy -- facially neutral except for the exemption of state-owned enterprises -- becomes a tool of the state. So far, China's legal reforms have aimed to provide the institutional foundation for increasing certainty in a market ruled by a one-party state. If, however, the law becomes an extension of the state's own economic pursuits and dislikes, then the real loser will be China itself. It may appease its short-term frustrations, but could sacrifice its long-term aims if investor confidence is dented as a result since the development of a well-functioning legal system is crucial for economic growth.

 

10 July 2009 Why it's better not to be ambitious at summits

 

The G8 summit is wrapping up with a laundry list of laudable goals ranging from global recovery to resumption of the Doha trade round and agreeing what a sensible price for oil should be. But, many will find the summit to be unsatisfactory because by trying to do everything, world leaders risk achieving nothing. The push of President Obama on climate change and international aid, therefore, appears to be an effective way of focusing the attention of the G8 and the 16 countries of the Major Economies Forum. He insisted that the latter be formed to bring in the G5 (China, India, Brazil, Mexico, South Africa) as well as other countries like Egypt to the usual meeting of the G8 rich nations to talk about climate change. This is a clear recognition that global issues require a wider set of participants than Western ones plus Japan and Russia.

 

Despite this, there was no concrete agreement that shows a way to conclude the Copenhagen agreement later this year to supercede the Kyoto Protocal which is due to expire. There was recognition of the ultimate aim to halt climate change, but goals are not the same as action. Today's focus on preserving international aid commitments might be more fruitful, particularly as this crisis has highlighted the fragility and volatility of developing countries to the fortunes of the world economy. The shift in aid from donations to agricultural assistance to help farmers to produce their own food is a positive one, if they can agree on the steps to achieve that aim.

 

In many ways, a focus on climate change and aid are more realistic goals for rich nations, since the G20 has to take the lead on the global economic crisis. However, this financial crisis stems from the Western countries and they could have said more about whether their banks are on a sound footing and how they intend to return to prudence. For instance, Europe has not published the "stress tests" of their banks, unlike the United States, which results in uncertainty that could jeopardise the financial stability needed to underpin sustainable economic recovery. Also, the lack of detail about concrete efforts to reduce fiscal deficits and the manner in which quantitative easing will be reversed will continue to cast a shadow on the recovery in the West whereby emerging economies will be wary about the intent of these countries to inflate their way out of recession. The limited progress on international issues and even in the areas where rich nations could have addressed makes one wonder if there is any need for an annual G8 summit. The large emerging economies are invited anyway, and it increasingly seems that unwieldly as it is, the G20 summits (the next one is scheduled for September in the USA) will be the forums to look to.

 

8 July 2009 Macro-prudential and micro-prudential regulation

 

The former refers to regulating systemic risk, while the latter monitors the actions of firms at an individual level. Today's Treasury's proposals is expected to provide more detail on the latter, while the former is still to be fleshed out. There is undoubtedly a need for better regulation at a systemic level, but does it involve changing the inflation targeting regime of the Bank of England to one that includes asset bubbles? The transparency of the inflation target and the independence of the BoE were both intended to avoid the "time inconsistency" problem whereby central banks will act to gain output at the cost of inflation if their aims include objectives other than price stability. There is, though, a significant question as to the role of central banks in the pricing of money/credit and risk which has been evident in this crisis. By focusing on inflation and thus keeping money cheap during a liquidity build-up because prices were low as a result of global deflationary pressures, monetary policy was too lax in the face of an evident housing bubble and unsustainable global imbalances. To expand the remit, however, presupposes to an extent that central banks can identify asset bubbles as compared against strong growth as a result of economic fundamentals.

 

Micro-prudential regulation, by contrast, shows that the Treasury has firm and somewhat differing views from the Bank on the issues of financial sector reform. It, along with the FSA, prefers counter-cyclical capital requirements so that firms will be asked to build up capital during good times instead of capping size, and the FSA will inspect banks individually to assess their risk profile and linkages throughout the financial sector. There will be an orderly winding up procedure so that banks which fail do not generate systemic failure. The tri-partite system will remain in place, but with unanswered questions concerning macro-prudential regulation. There will not be a cap on remuneration nor on the more restrictive rules governing hedge funds as proposed by the EU. So, the Treasury does not believe that banks which are too big to fail are too big, but is aware of the need to impose greater regulation of systemic risk and counter risky behaviour and the bonus culture through capital buffers. It's a welcome start to propose micro-prudential regulations that seem plausible to implement. Whether these will be reconcilable with the EU proposals or even the Bank of England remains to be seen.

 

2 July 2009 Permanent loss of output due to the financial crisis?

 

An affirmative answer is the conclusion of a report by the European Commission that the Euro Zone economy will experience a permanent loss of output due to the financial crisis which will decrease the long-run trend growth rate.  Similar questions have been asked in the UK where there is an acknowledged permanent loss of revenue on account of the collapse in the City, leaving a 4% structural deficit. The argument is that the financial sector will no longer be as significant as it had been in the economy, so there will be less output and growth due to a diminished sector that accounts for 1/5th of the economy in the UK and is also sizeable in Western Europe. This assumes that no other sector arises to fill its place.  However, the UK experience might suggest otherwise.  When Britain de-industrialised in the 1980s, it was able to maintain its trend growth rate of around 2.5% to 2.75% in the subsequent decades because services quickly grew and made up for the decline in industry.  Indeed, specialisation in services in a globalised world hastened the de-industrialisation process.

 

The question is whether this can be replicated. What type of economic activity might arise to fill the gap left by a shrunken financial service sector? Candidates are "green" industries and a knowledge-based economy. Even if these are the promising new sectors, it will take some time for Europe to make the structural adjustments necessary as there will be a mismatch of skills between jobs and labour for a while, e.g., workers will need to shift from being financiers to high-tech workers. Also, it takes investment and entrepreneurship to establish new industries, particularly in a globalised world with intense competitive pressures. Nevertheless, productive workers are likely to seek out new work to maintain their earnings. This is perhaps where the other part of the EC report looks discouraging. It points out that more than half of the population in the EU today is over 50. In 50 years, there will be almost twice as many elderly people than the young. Unfavourable demographics had already led to a downgrade of the Euro Zone growth rate after 2020 to a weak 1.5%, falling to 1.3% after 2041, and substantially below the current 2.2% trend growth rate. This crisis will worsen those figures unless the birth rate increases or younger workers are brought into the euro area, which can help with the structural adjustment in old Europe.  Even if there is disagreement over the permanence of the effect of this crisis, the demographic challenge is evident.

 

1 July 2009 No quick recovery is assured

 

The Office for National Statistics (ONS) released yesterday a revised estimate of GDP that showed a -2.5% fall quarter-on-quarter, steeper than the previous figure of a 1.9% decline. Taken year-on-year, GDP has shrunk by -4.9% from the first three months of last year to this year, which is the largest fall on record.  The initial releases are always subject to revision, and this one may well still be revised since the ONS also state that this new figure is based 85% on data and 15% on forecasts (as compared with the previous figure which was 45%-55%). This revision is largely driven by replacing forecasted construction data with actual information, and showed that that sector fell by 6.9% as compared with the previous quarter which is some five times higher than the original estimate and thus pulling down overall GDP.

 

This is thus far the worst annual decline in national income and output in British history with some time yet to go so it may also be the worst peak-to-trough recession. Looking at productivity (output per worker) which has fallen 4.2% in the first quarter as compared with a year ago as well as a fall in output per hour worked which fell 2.4%, the downward trend is evident. In manufacturing, output per job basis was down 8.3%, while unit wage costs grew by 3.6% as output growth fell. Services output fell for the consecutive 10th time, measured quarter-on-quarter, with only the government sector registering growth out of all 5 service sectors. Since services comprise three-quarters of GDP, a fall of 4% in the first quarter of this year as compared wtih the first quarter of last month again echoes the dramatic deterioration in economic activity.

 

Getting a better picture of where we were at will help with mapping where we might be headed. The extent of the fall in output across the economy -- in manufacturing and services -- as well as declines in productivity suggest that there will be less slack in the economy, which will mean a better rebound if firms will need to purchase to meet demand and thus raise production. The fall in consumer spending, though, as households de-leverage and continue to increase their saving rate sounds a wary note as final demand may be stymied. The uncertainty in the housing market will also dampen the willingness to consume because of the inverse of the "wealth effect" whereby consumers will be less inclined to borrow to spend if their "wealth" held in their housing asset is stagnant.  The contraction in the trade deficit improves the overall economic position and reflects the weak Pound, but it also makes consumption of imports more expensive and thus inflation will also hold down consumption. Unless demand picks up from home or abroad, no quick recovery is assured.

 

26 June 2009 Rocky road ahead

 

The Bank of England’s latest Financial Stability Report warns that there are still substantial risks in the financial system. More worryingly, it points out that future public support measures may not be as effective. In addition to continuing write-downs on troubled assets, the Bank highlights potential problems in more traditional assets (e.g., commercial property) and also stemming from emerging markets (e.g., emerging Europe) as a result of the recession. If this wasn’t enough of a concern, it also says that the government’s support of banks may not be as effective because rising public deficits will raise alarm in markets and in turn lead to higher borrowing costs for banks. To assess how bad it could be, the UK has the second largest bank assets to GDP ratio (over 400%) among major economies, smaller only than Switzerland (some 900%) and unfortunately larger than Ireland (just under 400%) which has been predicted to have the toughest recovery in the OECD. For the United States, the ratio is the smallest (less than 100%) partly because its economy is some four times larger than the largest European nations like Germany and the UK.

 

The rest of the report sets out a cogent set of issues for financial regulatory reform, along the lines of more self-insurance in banks and better management of risky assets as well as a more systematic view that would arguably limit bank size. Among these are sensible suggestions to provide more orderly winding down of banks and a better funded (and presumably more efficiently paid out) deposit insurance scheme. This would have addressed the Northern Rock debacle where the lack of such measures led to the first bank run in a century. Others have to do with imposing counter-cyclical capital requirements so that banks build up a capital cushion during good times. The idea, though, that there should be contingency plans to access capital during downturns is not evidently workable. Perhaps debt-for-equity swaps put in place that are triggered during those times? But, will investors want eqity in troubled banks? The Bank is also proposing trading securitized assets on exchanges or clearing houses so that complex instruments are better monitored as well as central counterparty clearing. The former would have brought the shadow banking system into the system by monitoring the activities of derivatives trading by hedge funds and private equity firms, for instance. The latter of these suggestions would attempt to avoid the linkages seen in the case of the failure of Lehman Brothers which brought down other counterparties and spread the financial crisis globally. There was also mention of resolving global imbalances but stated that this problem dates back to Bretton Woods in 1944 and has not found a satisfactory solution. Finally, the report raised but did not recommend a particular stance on the issue of whether banks that are too big to fail are just too big, but said that banks should not be too big or complex.

 

There are several areas, though, where the report raises the issue but does not say much. For instance, it proposes that there should be explicit principles governing when there should be a bail-out, but stops short of saying what they should be. In other words, why rescue one bank and not another? It doesn't fully contend with the possibility of taxing banks to fund their own bail-outs as a further form of self-insurance, such as a scheme similar to the one for deposit insurance. If the banks must pay into such a fund, then there will be a curbing tendency on their risky behaviour. In many ways, structuring incentives in this manner could be more effective and prove to be operationally efficient – both key criteria in a well-functioning regulatory system. Also, the report does not delve into separating retail and investment banking within banks. This is favoured by the Tories and the Lib Dems but not Labour. The Treasury’s view is that this is not going to prevent the next banking crisis, though they are aiming to ring-fence investment from retail banking. Finally, the report recognises the difficulties of implementing counter-cyclical requirements since it is difficult to ascertain if there is an asset bubble. Taking it a step further, the Bank wants regulatory oversight restored to it. Will this also mean adding ‘leaning against an asset bubble’ to its objectives when it sets monetary policy?

 

This report doesn’t provide all of the answers to these questions and some notable ones remain outstanding, including as well those raised in my June 22nd blog about how the regulatory system should work at the global, regional/EU and national levels. But, these are mostly the right issues to consider, so it is a pity that the Bank hasn’t been consulted on the current government White Paper on regulatory reform.

 

24 June 2009 Protectionism and "Buy China/Buy American"

 

The current case brought by the EU and USA against China before the WTO challening China's export taxes and quotas on select raw materials which limit exports and result in a cheaper price to domestic producers is yet another instance of protectionism in this recession. It may well be the case that WTO rules do not explicitly cover this issue, but China agreed in its terms of accession to reduce such export taxes and quotas, making it likely that they will lose before the WTO.  Also, the recent shift in policy to "Buy China" for its stimulus package goes against its previous stance of contrasting itself against the "Buy American" provision in the U.S. stimulus measures. The Americans passed the package with the restriction intact by modifying it to be consistent with international treaty obligations. This refers to the limited coverage of the WTO. Government procurement, as well as competition policy, are part of the "Singapore issues" which were dropped fairly early on in the Doha Round negotiations. As such, China and America can restrict foreign bidders for government contracts. With such actions taken in two economies with the most notable stimulus spending in the world, the rhetoric of the recent G20 summits sounds increasingly hollow. That being said, this is not a wholesale reversion to rampant protectionism as these measures are so far relatively restrained as policymakers seemingly recognise the need to be open to trade and investment, but are also wary of the political ramifications of rising unemployment at home. Even if the recession has bottomed out, unemployment will continue to rise for some time. Let's just hope that protectionism does not increase as well since that could have the potential of strangling sustained recovery in the same way that premature policy tightening could.

 

22 June 2009 New financial regulations within a multi-layered system of governance

 

Both the U.S. and the EU last week announced reforms to their financial regulations which leave much unanswered and expose lingering divisions over the nature of such reforms. The first issue erupted within Britain between the Chancellor and the Governor of the Bank of England over whether banks which are too big to fail are just too big. If a bank poses a systemic risk, then surely it is "too big" and ought to either increase its capital or indemnify the government against a bail-out which is inevitable. Limiting size is not favoured by the Chancellor or the U.S. Treasury, raising the prospect of regulatory arbitrage if large banks and financial institutions flock to jurisdictions without size limits. This suggests the need for some degree of regulatory harmonisation or even a global regulator, as pushed for by the French.  Second, the Fed has received greater powers to regulate the banking system with oversight in the Treasury, which is not in the works for the Bank of England. The divestiture of responsibilities for financial regulation was one of the premises of central bank independence in 1997, but the Bank wants the power restored, which raises a larger challenge to the continuation of the central bank independence from political oversight model. The "time inconsistency" problem whereby central bankers could set monetary policy to achieve aims other than low inflation would return; though, the current crisis has already raised questions about the focus on inflation rather than asset bubbles in the purview of the central bank. Third, as implied already, the lack of a global regulator is potentially problematic if global financial markets continue to be governed only nationally. Is the enlarged Financial Stability Board within the Bank for International Settlements sufficient to operate as an 'early warning' system?  Fourth, the EU has set up on Friday a European wide regulatory body, but bail-outs are funded by national taxpayers, so the principle that such a pan-EU regulator should not impinge on national fiscal policy is a needed one since the EU is not itself a fiscal authority. Finally, the balance between Euro Zone and non-Euro economies has been struck so far at the insistence of the British to not undully place the ECB at the helm. However, although necessary given the European-wide exposure of many banks, the need for both "macroprudential regulation" governing systemic risk and "microprudential regulation" at the firm level raises further questions as how this multi-layered system of governance will work. More importantly, will the sharing of oversight with supra-national and within the various bodies of national regulators avoid the trap faced in the UK with the tripartite authority in which nobody seemed to be in charge at the onset of a financial crisis?

 

17 June 2009 The first "bad bank" in the euro area

 

Ireland has created the first "bad bank" to take on the troubled assets of its banking system in the Euro Zone countries. The National Asset Management Agency (NAMA) will take on €80-90 billion worth of bad assets from Irish banks, which will worsen a fast deteriorating budget position from an expected 59% of GDP this year to doubling it. The budget deficit this year is 10% of GDP, considerably above the Maastricht Treaty's 3% in the Euro area. However, without an independent monetary policy and possibility of currency devaluation, the reliance on fiscal policy is expected. Interestingly, despite 2 downgrades of its sovereign debt from AAA to AA+ to AA, Ireland has raised €1 billion of bonds this week as investors seemingly sought the higher yields and discounted the prospect of default.

 

This may explain the creation of a "bad bank" which has not been done elsewhere. If bond investors are willing to purchase Irish debt, then taking the fiscal hit now may forestall a lingering banking crisis. If Sweden's example is repeated, it may even mean eventual profit from the troubled assets when markets recover. This, of course, is premised on the willingness of the bond market to support Irish debt. Since the ECB implicitly stands behind Ireland (and explicitly in the case of Sweden in supporting the Swedish central bank's propping up of Latvian debt), this may well be founded, though only time will tell with future bond offerings.

 

On a different, somewhat related, but intriguing issue, Latvia's precarious clinging to its exchange rate peg is being supported by Sweden because potential losses from loans to Latvia could amount to 5% of Swedish GDP. The Swedish krona is in turn supported by the ECB. If Latvia experiences a currency crisis as a result of a financial crisis, then it would fit the third generational financial crisis model seen in Asian in the late 1990s. However, if Sweden is dragged into a currency crisis because of exposure to Latvia and the krona shadowing of the euro is disbelieved, then that could pose an interesting case of perhaps a new form of a currency crisis.

 

16 June 2009 Two sides to being the global reserve currency

 

The BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) countries held their own and first ever summit in Russia today, providing a counter-weight to the G8 summit that took place in Italy (which includes Russia plus the G7 countries). The issues discussed at the two summits were expectedly different. The G8 focused on sustaining any signs of economic recovery and to maintain vigilence over further weakness in the banking system. The BRIC summit looked instead to the implications of those policies for emerging economies, notably, the U.S. dollar. The BRIC countries are slowly but surely moving away from a view of the dollar as the global reserve currency. Russia and China are poised to purchase IMF bonds, which are denominated in SDRs (a unit of accounting that is comprised of the dollar, euro, Pound and yen) and would also give them a greater stake in goverance. More importantly is that these countries are discussing using their respective currencies for units of trade and agreeing bilateral currency swap agreements that will divest the dollar of some of its role if the RMB or Real is used instead.

 

To be clear, these are not large steps, but a series of small ones that reflect that anxiety of these economies toward the looming U.S. budget deficit. The reason that these have to be small steps is because even SDRs are mostly weighted toward the dollar, which reflects the U.S.'s significant weight in the global economy. Also, energy is priced in dollars as are commodities, making it difficult for Russia or Brazil to diversify significantly. International business and investment are largely denominated in dollars, so India's financial transactions abroad are likely to be weighted toward the greenback. China's exchange rate is pegged fairly closely to the dollar despite re-pegging in 2005 to a trade-weighted basket, which will favour the dollar due to the U.S. being its largest trading partner (the EU is, but not Euro Zone countries alone). These countries will continue to demand dollars, but the concerns expressed should still raise red flags in Washington DC since even diversification at the margin for such large holders of dollars will affect yields.

 

The BRIC countries have benefitted from their various links to the U.S. dollar and the Americans have gained from the primacy of their currency, including strong growth and low interest rates. However, the Americans have to set domestic policies always with an eye to the external global economy.  Indeed, when the Fed started to raise interest rates in 2004, they did not see the response in bond markets. Interest rates continued to rise until 2007 when the housing market burst. Emerging economies had helped to flatten the yield curve, rendering U.S. monetary policy less effective than expected in counter-acting the excess liquidity that was part of the housing bubble. Therefore, as with all issues in economics, there is a good as well as a not-so-good side to being the global reserve currency.

 

12 June 2009 The financial crisis has still to run its course

 

The debt-for-equity swap (of sorts) brokered for West Bromwich Building Society and Barclays selling BGI as well as the report from the Bank of England that the number of mortgage holders with negative equity has reached around 1 million in the span of just 18 months all point to the ongoing nature of the financial crisis. The IMF estimates that banks have only written down one-third of their losses from securitised assets, which means that there is several hundred billions more to come. With house prices falling by 30% in the USA since 2006 and nearly 20% in the UK since the autumn of 2007, 1 in 6 mortgage holders in America and 1 in 9 in Britain are in negative equity whereby their mortgages exceed the value of their homes. The IMF estimates the house prices are still overvalued, by some 10% in the UK, implying that the negative equity position will worsen. If repossessions increase, then banks will need to recapitalise. Where these are securitised, then there will be further impairments to bank balance sheets. So far, although the drop in house prices is dramatic and exceeds the last housing market bust in the early 1990s which saw house prices decline by 15% from 1989 to 1995, repossessions are low due to historically low interest rates and government measures to avoid foreclosure as much as feasible. If unemployment, though, rises as well as interest rates -- both of which are expected over the course of the next couple of years -- then the situation may change and negative equity will be realised with potentially significant impairments on bank balance sheets.

 

Also, as pointed by the U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke recently, banks could also suffer write-downs due to other asset classes declining in a recession, notably, commercial property and credit cards. The rescue of West Brom BS due to over-extension on not just residential buy-to-let mortgages but also the commercial property market, similar to the collapse of Dumferline BS in March (which had taken on £650 million of commercial property loans), point to the collapse of these other asset classes. With unemployment expected to rise even as the economy stabilises, credit cards may well also begin to affect banks. Shoring up balance sheets while there is an equity market rally seems to be the strategy of a number of banks at the moment, including the 10 U.S. banks paying back TARP funds and even the sale of a division as with Barclays.

 

Most banks are offering mortgages with a 25% deposit which will guard against further house price falls up to that amount of equity, but existing loans on their books may give them pause. With credit conditions tight, consumers worried about negative equity will be further induced to save. Any recovery will thus be tepid, but perhaps that is the most which can be expected in a financial crisis of this severity characterised by the need to shed debt and de-leverage in all sectors of the economy.

 

10 June 2009 Is the recession over?

 

The National Institute of Economic and Social Research (NIESR) believes that the recession in Britain ended in March as GDP growth in April and May was positive in their estimation. Separately, Markit finds that the latest PMI figure indicates expansion in all sectors, leading other major European economies as pointed out by Paul Krugman in the New York Times, and confirming the positive industrial output figure reported by the ONS that industrial output expanded by 0.3% in April, and manufacturing output rose in both March and April. Business surveys point to an expansion in the services sector, another positive sign.

 

However,  at this point in the cycle, it is not apparent whether this pick up in output is a re-stocking phenonmenon, whereby stocks held by firms for future sales are being replenished after being allowed to run down during the recession, or production in response to an increase in final demand. Inventories (though a small proportion of total expenditure as compared with consumption, for one) was the largest component of GDP decline in the first quarter.  As the most volatile component of GDP, output could rise while firms replenish stock which had been allowed to decumulate due to pessimism. On the other hand, as final demand recovers, replenishing stock will cause inventories to rise ahead of other indicators.

 

It is too early to say whether this expansion in output is a result of replenishing stock or a rise in final demand. If it is the former, then there will be another drop in GDP as firms cease to build stock if demand is not there. Monthly figures used by NIESR are more subject to such volatility than the quarterly official figures, but does give an earlier glimpse as to what is happening in the economy and we would all want to know as soon as feasible if there are signs that the worst is over.

 

2 June 2009 Pause in monetary policymaking: deflation in short-run & inflation in medium-term

 

The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) today kept its base rate on hold at 3% after cutting 425 basis points since last September, and a pause is also expected this week for the Bank of England (base rate at 0.5%) and the ECB (base rate at 1%). The U.S. Fed is maintaining a nominal interest rate of effectively 0% (range between 0-0.25%), so nothing is expected there either. This could signal that central banks believe that the worst of the global recession is over, so they are waiting and seeing for the moment. Perhaps more likely, because monetary policy operates fully over a 2 year horizon, they are taking stock of the effect of previous cuts that have been aggressively made since last autumn. Also, real interest rates are 1.5% in Australia, -1.8% in the UK, 1% in the Euro Zone and around 0.2-0.4% in the USA. Deflation is therefore tempering the impact of monetary policy in the USA and potentially the Euro Zone, whilst bolstering Australia and Britain for the moment.

 

Thus, there is still the challenge that should not be under-played of navigating between the risk of deflation in the short-run and contending with inflation over the medium term. Inflation is below target for most major economies, but steepening yield curves point to the inflationary consequences of loose monetary policy over the longer term. For most countries with a banking crisis, this is compounded by the quantitatitve easing programmes that have expanded the monetary base to directly inject credit into the economy, bypassing the clogged banking system. There is also a concern that Western governments will attempt to reflate their way out of indebtedness. Thus, deflation now will lead to further cuts in rates, which in turn worsens the inflation problem in the future. Traversing this line will require a clear plan to roll back monetary policy, but not too soon.

 

25 May 2009 Warning shot to Britain over debt, but no need for panic (yet)

 

The warning that Britain could lose its AAA rating on its sovereign debt is nothing to panic over, but the ratings agencies S&P last week and Moody's earlier this year have both sounded warnings over national debt to GDP expected to reach 100% (when bank bailouts are included) and a lack of a concrete plan to reduce it. According to S&P, there is a 1 in 3 chance that the negative outlook will result in a downgrade, but it gives the UK until after the next general election to address the debt position, which takes into account the political difficulty of announcing tax rises and public spending cuts with an election due in a year. Britain should be worried as it could face higher borrowing costs -- 10 year yields on gilts are higher than the US even though the US debt-to-GDP ratio is higher. This is due in part to the dollar's reserve currency status. Also, unlike Japan which has had a national debt-to-GDP in excess of 100% and nearing 200% on current stimulus plans but finances 95% of its debt through domestic savers and institutions, over one-third of British debt is held by foreigners, making its sovereign debt rating on global bond markets important. On the brighter side, a flexible Sterling makes a currency crisis unlikely since there is no par value to speculate against.  In fact, a weak Pound will boost exports including services for which Britain runs a trade surplus. And, finally, the UK will not default on its debt.

 

Nevertheless, more expensive borrowing will mean economic pain for years to come. Counting on strong growth after this year is insufficient to restore fiscal health. Taking a lesson from the Clinton years, convincing the bond market of the commitment to fiscal discipline is key. The Clinton administration had persuaded bond markets, which dictates the cost of government borrowing through determining interest rates, that it was serious about tightening public spending and thus enjoyed low interest rates and strong growth throughout the 1990s, eventually culminating in a budget surplus in 2000.  Exercising fiscal discipline during a period of economic growth with low interest rates is easier because tax revenues rise in a growing economy. By contrast, a lack of a credible plan to bring down the debt will mean high interest rates that stymie growth while the government attempts to tighten its spending, which in turn further worsens the economic picture. Surely, there is no question that Britain must make plans to realise the first of these two options.

 

22 May 2009 Japan following global fortunes

 

Japan's -4% contraction in GDP in the first quarter (-15.2% on an annualised basis) ranks its recession as the worst in the post War period and on par with the volatility usually associated with developing countries. With a contraction of -9.7% year-on-year, it is remarkably close to a 10% decline that some would term a depression.  And, yet today, the Bank of Japan has issued the first positive assessment of the economy for three years and the government is expected to follow suit. An upturn in industrial production of a monthly gain of 1.6% in March (though it is likely to be related to inventory replenishment) and a slowing decline in exports (particularly as China's stimulus package takes effect) are the reasons. The BoJ expects the economy to turn a corner at the end of this year as a result, which sounds fanciful in view of the dismal growth figures. But, the world economy is expected to bottom out this year and return to positive growth but less than 3% in 2010. As such, Japan will be unlikely to recover until 2011 since its fortunes are closely tied to exports, as consumption remains as weak as ever, so investment follows the needs of exporters.

 

There is, in sum, little that the Japanese government can do except for easing the unemployment pains, which is what they have geared their large fiscal stimulus packages toward, and loosening the credit system even further to set the environment for investment and spending when global demand picks up. As such, the BoJ has expanded the collateral that it will accept for open market operations from commercial paper and corporate bonds to even stocks and sovereign debt from the US, Britain, Germany and France. The latter move will ease the credit crunch for exporters and does not fundamentlaly affect the profile of holdings of the BoJ since its foreign exchange reserves already include these bonds.  With core CPI (excluding food and energy) at -0.1% in March and CPI for the year expected to fall to -1.3%, inflation as a result of these quantitative easing measures is not a concern. The IMF has kept its GDP growth forecast of -6.25% for 2009 unchanged, which is considerably worse than the Japanese government's forecast of -3.3% to March 2010. We'll see on Monday whether the more upbeat assessment will convince the IMF to shrink this considerable gap.

 

20 May 2009 Quid pro quo at the EU-China summit

 

Summed up in a sentence, the Europeans want to sell things to China (particularly as China's spending nearly as much as the United States in its fiscal stimulus programme) while the Chinese want technology. Much of the groundwork had been laid in the earlier trade and economic dialogue on May 7th & 8th to pave the way for more trade and investment. Although there are signs of "Buy China" at the local government level, China needs the technologically advanced capital goods of Europe, while the Europeans (particularly big exporters like Germany) are keen to see global trade re-started -- and the only respectably growing major economy in the world this year is China.  The same calculus is evident in the climate change issue. The Europeans want the Chinese to increase their energy efficiency, while the Chinese want the technology with which to do so.  The Chinese have complained for some time of the barriers on European exports of  high tech goods. With the Europeans more keen than ever, the Chinese view this as a good opportunity.  Similar to Rahm Emannuel, Obama's chief of staff, they are surely not wanting to waste a good crisis.

 

15 May 2009 Stress tests and bailing out insurers

 

In a week where there has been talk of the worst of the recession being behind us and the positive reception of the U.S. stress tests conducted on its banks as well as Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke reaffirming the U.S.'s strong dollar policy, six major insurance companies have petitioned for rescue from the TARP funds. These insurers hold 18% of all corporate bonds, so stemming their investment losses is viewed as consistent with the aims of TARP which is to unclog the credit system. The vast majority of funding in the U.S. is from bond markets and not bank lending, so this is a crucial segment to prevent further financial ripples in the system.

 

Bailing out insurers was always the next possibility after banks since institutional investors are among the systemic players in the financial system. Coming on the back of the U.S. stress tests for its banks, it begs the question as to whether the assessment should have encompassed all systematically important players? Bernanke himself in a speech on Monday pointed to the possibility that traditional assets (not just those associated with sub-prime mortgages), such as credit cards and commercial real estate, could be vulnerable.  Are we thus headed for another round of financial sector rescues? If so, then we are not yet over the worst of the recession.

 

11 May 2009 What do the British and Chinese want from their bilteral summit?

 

In general terms, these countries want to see global trade resume and a sustained global recovery. This was also the conclusion from the EU-China summit that preceded the bilteral one between the UK and China in London today, when Europe and China called for a resumption of the WTO Doha Round and reform of financial regulations. As tends to be the case with these meetings, the aims sound agreeable but are too general.

 

Promisingly, the British and Chinese are poised to promote China's "going out" policy whereby its commercial firms will seek to establish themselves on the global stage. British firms are well placed to offer advice, particularly since the main challenge for Chinese firms will be to show that they are commercial entities rather than state-owned firms undertaking the outward investments. To do would require much greater transparency and disclosure, which are needed even for the listed firms that could still be under state control despite being publicly traded on international bourses.  Although state-led overseas investments will continue as China seeks energy security, the prospects for its economy will rest with private firms gaining know-how from global markets.  The non-state sector is the reason for China's successful transition and sustaining their productivity levels will thus be imperative. The Chinese recognise this, as this policy was launched during the mid 1990s when the economy's TFP (total factor productivity) growth slowed after the initial reform period that started in 1979.

 

Since Britain runs a surplus in the export of services (within an overall current account deficit relative to GDP of -3.8% in 2008), promoting this aspect has the best chance of realising economic recovery via international trade. Comparative advantage would reassuringly support this conclusion.

 

7 May 2009 Will the ECB undertake quantitative easing?

 

The European Central Bank (ECB) is expected today to cut its interest rate from 1.25% to 1% in the face of worsening forecasts from the European Commission that the Eurozone economies will contract by over 4% this year and reach an unemployment rate of 11.5%. Unlike other central banks in the U.S., UK, Japan and Switzerland, the ECB has not yet undertaken quantitative easing or the adjustment the money supply. However, with inflation at 0.6%, the real interest rate will be fairly close to zero, placing the ECB on the flat part the LM curve -- meaning that it may not be able to stimulate borrowing by cutting the interest rate any further, leaving direct changes in the money supply as the alternative. The still high Libor rates for borrowing as well as reports by businesses of tight credit conditions suggest that the credit crunch has not eased and the current policy of using fixed rate repurchase agreements may not be enough if it continues to work through the clogged banking system.

 

Unconventional monetary policy would instead allow the ECB to bypass the banking system through purchasing corporate bonds to stimulate the real economy. It can also, more conventionally, purchase government debt which is how open market operations typically operate to expand the money supply. Without the money multiplier of the banking system, the amounts will need to be larger than otherwise, which is a standard problem for other central banks as well.

 

What is not a standard problem is whose government debt to purchase and which corporate bonds (or commercial paper) to buy? This is a question that the 10 year old ECB has never had to face before. Because the euro counts 16 countries which have different credit ratings, it will need to decide which bonds to buy and thus which economies to boost. If it decides to avoid this issue and directly lend in the corporate bond market, then it also needs to assess which bonds to buy and there is again a disproportionate weight in terms of France accounting for 41% of the corporate bond market while Spain has 2.5%. The economies most in need of credit easing may not be the large economies such as France where its largest two banks posted positive earnings in the first quarter of this year, but rather the smaller ones most affected by the property bust (Spain). Thus, the decision is not only a political one but to craft a QE policy that will be effective.

 

The ECB may well do nothing unconventional and stick to broadening its current policies. With the amount of bad economic news in the Euro area, one can't help but wonder if a headline cut in the interest rate of 25 basis points will be enough to do the job. 

 

UPDATE (including BoE rate decision):

 

The ECB has cut the Euro Zone interest rate by 25 basis points to 1% and announced an unprecedented QE measure. It will purchase 60 billion euros worth of euro denominated covered bonds -- corporate bonds linked to property loans or loans to public institutions backed by a borrower's pledge to pay.  The foray into Pfandbriefe (as they are known in Germany) covers some of the worst affected assets in this crisis, according to Jean-Claude Trichet. The effectiveness of this policy in helping to ease credit conditions will depend on where these bonds are situated. As these are primarily a German asset, the spread of this policy may well be tilted accordingly, as I suggested above, and could affect its effectiveness.

 

The Bank of England kept interest rates on hold at 0.5%, but announced that it will use all but £25 billion of the £150 billion of the authorised funds for quantitative easing over the next three months. What's surprising is that it is announcing another £50 billion to be injected when the current tranche of £75 billion has yet to be all spent, though it is on course to do so by June. The rise in yield of the benchmark 10 year gilts after the Budget to levels before the QE programme was implemented is likely to be a reason. Also, Libor spreads are higher in the UK than in the U.S. and Euro Zone, so this may also kick off purchases of corporate bonds to bypass the banking system and ease credit conditions. The latter may work, though it will increase the riskiness of the BoE balance sheet. The bigger worry looks increasingly to be the limited ability of the Bank of England to affect long-term interest rates. Usually, short-term interest rates are targeted because they are more effective, whereas longer-term interest rates reflect expectations about the economy. From this, it appears that the Bank of England is fighting against a sober bond market that recognises the borrowing burdens of the UK government and is pricing in higher interest rates as a result. This would not be welcome news for either the Treasury or the Bank -- the former because debt will be more expensive to service and therefore economic stagnation after recovery will look more likely and the latter because the cost of borrowing that is stimulative of the real economy is not coming down as much.

 

5 May 2009 Achieving global stability

 

Nearly a quarter of the world's countries have sought the assistance of the International Monetary Fund as of March. Some 48 countries (with 3 pending) have utilised some form of short-term liquidity from the Fund, though some are precautionary facilities and others are drawing upon the newly created flexible credit lines (namely Mexico while Poland and Columbia are pending approval). None of these are in East Asia (with the exception of Mongolia) or the Middle East/North Africa.  Eastern Europe/Central Asia, Central America and swathes of Sub-Saharan Africa acount for the bulk of the lending. Iceland stands out for its own reasons as a rich economy in trouble.

 

None of these have banks near the source of the financial crisis, but the global credit crunch has hit them hard as well as the collapse in global trade. The Bank for International Settlement estimates that global cross-border lending fell by an astounding $5 trillion in the nine months to last December, the sharpest fall on record, while the WTO forecasts that world trade will contract by some 11% this year, also the largest since the Great Depression.

 

Despite the large number of countries affected, their weight in the world economy is small. Aside from the countries drawing on the flexible credit lines as precautionary measures, the combined weight of these economies is only a few percent of global GDP. And, yet, the IMF has spent some 35 billion in SDRs (Special Drawing Rights which are composed of 4 currencies: USD, Euro, Yen and Sterling) on stabilising these economies. The tripling of IMF funds to $750 billion and the ten-fold increase in SDRs to $250 billion at the G20 summit was the main achievement touted. The outcome of the summit did not put forward measures to bolster the recovery (e.g., coordinated expansionary fiscal policy or bank rescue plan), but it may well have helped to stabilise the global economy by preventing countries from failing that could drag the rest down. Recall when Iceland was in trouble, British savers were affected. There have been much worse cases of contagion (e.g., Asian financial crisis that spread to Russia, Turkey, Brazil, Argentina) in recent memory. Maintaining global stability may well be what that type of summit could have realistically achieved and it is a relief that it has done so.

 

29 April 2009 U.S. recovery?

 

The latest figures show that the U.S. economy contracted by 6.1% (annualised rate) in the first quarter of this year, barely changed from the 6.3% recorded for the last quarter of 2008. The U.S. government predicts that the economy will contract by 1.2% this year, followed by growth next year. As mentioned in my blog of April 22nd, the IMF would disagree with expected growth next year, and these would seem optimistic given the dismal showing in the first three months of 2009, following from 2 previous quarters of negative growth.

 

However, markets are up and there is talk of some signs of recovery. Inventory de-stocking accounted for Specifically, consumer spending, which accounts for a whopping 70% of GDP, is up 2.2%. Durable goods purchases increased GDP by 1.5 percentage points, and spending on services is also up. Although business and residential fixed investments are down (the former knocked some 8.83 percentage points off of GDP), the focus is on consumption because of its weight in GDP. Consumer confidence is at a 2 year high and there are some signs of an uptick in home sales -- though from a very low level.

 

Nevertheless, given the deleveraging in the household sector in the U.S. and 500,000 people each month losing their jobs (unemployment is at 8.5% and expected to reach some 10% by the end of the year), relying on the U.S. consumer may not be enough. The $787 billion fiscal stimulus package is expected to take effect in the second half of the year, adding some 5.5% to U.S. GDP. Since exports and investment are both down, government spending is the only other sector to look to -- so those "shovel ready" projects may be the driver of a U.S. and therefore global recovery. Now, of course, to pay for it and cope with inflation as well after the massive quantitative easing programme undertaken by the Fed, it is a whole other problem to contend with the consequences. And, finally, some half of the contraction is due to a fall in inventory which is viewed positively if that means that firms will then increase capital spending after de-stocking. To finance it, though, would require resolving the credit crunch -- and the Fed and the US Treasury programmes will again be key.

 

24 April 2009 The UK is shrinking faster than expected

 

The economy in the first quarter of 2009 contracted by 1.9%, which is worse than expected. As this is a quarterly estimate, the annualised rate of decline for the year would be double the magnitude set out by the Chancellor just two days ago (between -7 and 8% versus -3.5% in the Budget). It dwarfs the IMF estimate of -4.1% as well. But, the likelihood is that we won't have 4 quarters of such contractions, so the yearly change of just over 4% decline from the previous quarter in 2008 might be a better gauge (ONS preliminary estimates). Declines in manufacturing output accounted for the biggest factor pulling down GDP, similar to the last quarter of 2008, even though it accounts for only 15% of the British economy. By getting the growth figure wrong, the borrowing figures will also be wrong. Come the autumn when the Pre-Budget Report is presented, the stock of debt may well near £1 trillion a year early.  If this Budget was gloomy, then it's hard to see how the next one will cheer us up.

 

22 April 2009 A tough Budget

 

The 2009 Budget unveiled today by the UK Chancellor expectedly showed record borrowing for the year and also an optimistic view of growth. He downgraded growth for 2009 to -3.5% from around an 1% contraction forecast in the Pre-Budget Report (PBR) last November, which confirms this as the worst recession since World War II. The early 1980s recession recorded a 2% contraction in GDP. The Chancellor then predicted recovery by the end of the year, growth of 1.25% in 2010 and a jump in growth to 3.5% in 2011, followed by reversion to the trend growth rate of 2.75%. Unfortunately, the IMF today also issued its own forecast for the UK which is worse and does not project recovery until after next year: -4.1% in 2009 and -0.4% in 2010. The government's growth figures were in part premised on recovery in the global economy, which is expected to contract by 1.3% this year and grow by 1.9% next year. Negative growth in the global economy is unprecedented in the post-war period and a growth rate under 3% is considered to be a recession since global growth has to take into account population growth. Therefore, the government's figures are not only optimistic but also unfortunately grounded in a global recovery that might not materialise.

 

More worrisome is the reliance in large part on growth and recovery to halve the budget deficit in 5 years. It is predicted to fall from 12% of GDP this year to 5.5% in 2013/14. This means that the national debt is expected to grow from 50.9% in 2008 to some 79% of GDP in 2015/16. The government expects this to fall in about a decade.  Borrowing of £175 billion this year (well exceeding the £118 billion forecast in the PBR) and a similar magnitude of £173 billion next year will cause the stock of debt to rise to over £1 trillion from £743.6 billion today.  If the IMF is also right that there are more bank losses to come which will require government rescue, then the borrowing figure will be even higher since the government has at present figured in 3.5% of GDP or some £52 billion in losses.  Also, because the financial sector contributes 27% of tax revenues and that is not expected to continue at such sums, the Institute for Fiscal Studies has estimated a 0.4% permanent increase in the structural debt that will not go away even when the economy recovers, adding another £5.8 billion in debt each year.

 

To get debt levels to begin to fall, fiscal tightening measures were announced for 2010 onward with some fiscal expansion this year. The fairly small scale-stimulus measures would offer welcome help to the unemployed, homeowners, savers and small businesses. However, after this year, austerity will kick in.  Public spending will fall from an annual real increase of 1.2% announced in the PBR to 0.7% from 2011. Although this is the most austere stance on public spending since 1945, to increase public spending at all should mean higher taxes in order to bring down borrowing. However, there was only one new significant tax announced -- which is on the rich (also brought forward to take effect in 2010 instead of deferred to 2011 as in the PBR): those earning over £150,000 will face a new tax rate of 50% and additionally personal allowances will be withdrawn from those earning more than £100,000. For the top tier of earners, they will also suffer a reduction in tax relief from their pension payments. The government expects these measures, along with excise duties (petrol, cigarettes and alcohol), sales of assets such as the Royal Mint, and the 0.5% increase in National Insurance announced in the PBR as well as the reversion of the VAT to 17.5% in 2010 to go some way toward stabilising the debt while increasing public investment and maintaining front-line services like education and health. This may well be possible for the indirect taxes and NI, but the IFS doesn't think that taxing the rich will yield that much. Adding in NI, the top marginal tax rate is over 60% and there is some evidence from the U.S. that tax receipts fall once taxes reach that level.

 

All in all, it is the optimistic growth forecasts that should generate the most concern. If the economy does not grow next year and stagnates (according to the IMF which predicts 0% growth for the United States in 2010 which is better than the forecast for the UK), then it is hard to see how the government can tighten fiscal policy as that would worsen the recession and delay the recovery.  By extension, borrowing will get even worse.  For the sake of the country, we can only hope that the Chancellor has gotten it right.

 

7 April 2009 China predicted to recover by the second half of 2009

 

The latest World Bank report on developing Asia forecasts that China will recover by the second of the year and propel growth in the region (except for Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Singapore) to grow at 5.3%. Although down from 8% growth in 2008, that would be an achievement in a global economy predicted to contract by between 1-4% this year. It may well be possible if China's massive stimulus programme of nearly $600 billion boosts GDP by some 8% this year and next, as well as newly announced social spending measures of some $125 billion for health care and others. This could increase GDP by 10%, thereby largely counter-acting the fall in exports. The current account surplus had accounted for over 10% of GDP in the past few years, so this increase in government spending goes some ways towards making up for it.

 

As such, government spending will rise from 18% to 22% of GDP once the double counting in the stimulus is removed. China is considerably below the level of Western economies with welfare states in which the government component accounts for around half of GDP once a social safety net is in place. With a low deficit that will rise from 0.4% to around 4% this year (although a lingering non-performing loan problem remains), China is capable of spending more on social welfare. At the moment, it is even below the average for developing countries which spend 25% of GDP on redistributive and social policies. By doing so, China will not only grow, but will spend on its people that might just reorient its economy toward domestic demand and generate a growth momentum that is more sustainable than exports.

 

6 April 2009 Japan is first off the mark

 

Japan is posed to suffer a 6% contraction in GDP this year, worse than the 4% predicted for other rich economies. As such, they are poised to announce a $100 billion stimulus package that would be equivalent to 2% of GDP, taking their entire stimulus efforts to 4% of GDP. 

They are first off the mark of the G20 countries from last week's summit, and understandably so. They are trying to lead by example to foster global spending since some half of Japan's growth since 2003 has been driven by its current account (trade and net investment).

 

Aside from trade finance and guarding against protectionism, there isn't a great deal that countries can do to increase exports. Thus, the government is in the process of assembling spending that will make up the package and it's thought that significant amounts will be green investment and R&D, financing and tax cuts for corporations and households, including cutting inheritance tax to facilitate wealth transfer from the elderly to the higher consuming young. 

Finally, there is talk about more liquidity injection, including allowing the central bank to take in more diverse forms of assets, including municipal bonds. Quantitative easing in terms of purchasing government debt is under discussion, but its previous experience makes it less attractive than purchasing corporate bonds and commercial paper and thus directly easing credit in the corporate sector.

 

It is difficult to see how these efforts could either create 2 million jobs or enable growth to reach 3% in the longer term without more in the package to re-orient away from exports and induce consumption, something which they haven't been successful at over the past nearly two decades. The recent recovery since 2003 was driven by exports, which have risen from around 13% to some 18% of GDP in the past 5 years. Japanese debt-to-GDP is expected to reach 200% to finance these packages. Its economy is poised to shrink to 1990s levels.  There may be a short-term bump from inventories being run down in the next couple of months, but Japan's situation is dire this year.

 

2 April 2009 A sensible compromise at the G20 summit

 

The headline figure in the G20 communique is the $1.106 trillion to the IMF and other international organisations. But, there will be no new government spending to shorten the recession or details of a global regulator. The figure of $5 trillion or 4% of global GDP to be spent by end 2010 is based on the existing commitments of governments. There was also no coordination that was supposed to increase the effect of the national stimulus packages and lead to job creation/saved of 7 to 19 million worldwide. It seems that the German and the French position (as well as the Bank of England) has won the day and the coordinated 2% of new discretionary spending pushed by the Americans is out.

 

On regulation, President Sarkozy didn't get a global regulator, but he stayed. They did put some final touches to some already agreed principles in place: expand the authority of the Financial Stability Forum (re-named the Financial Stability Board) to provide an early warning system of global asset bubbles, regulate the shadow banking system of hedge funds and tax havens, as well as control bankers' pay and bonuses to deter risky behaviour. A common approach to toxic assets was also agreed, but there were no details. The same could be said for all of the regulatory reforms, except for the issue of tax havens.

 

The most significant thing to emerge from the summit, it turns out, wasn't recovery and reform, but rather global stability to rescue countries. This is more to prevent a worsening downturn than to stimulate growth. For example, if Iceland fails, UK savers and banks could lose money. China and India have been growing while the West is in recession but global exports are plumetting, so their effect is not notable due to being poorer. However, it is a significant amount of money that will be made available: $750 billion to the IMF ($500 billion + $250 billion in SDRs), $250 billion to support trade finance (or ease the credit crunch for exporters) and another $100+ billion to aid developing countries (which is presumably geared at meeting the Millennium Development Goals of halving global poverty by 2015 from 1990 levels). With the money coming not just from the USA, EU and Japan (each giving $100 billion), China is also putting in $40 billion and the rest will come largely from emerging economies. In return, global institutions will be reformed to give them a greater say and the USA and EU have given up their tacit understanding that one always appints the head of the World Bank and the other the IMF. This denotes a shift in economic power which is very noteworthy. Perhaps that is the most notable outcome from this summit, though it had been apparent for some time. But, did the summit achieve its ultimate aim to shorten the global recession and sustain our recovery? The answer is not an obvious yes. A package that I shot for More4 News on the measures of success can be found here.

 

25 March 2009 What it takes to be a reserve currency

 

An independent UN panel chaired by Joseph Stiglitz is reported by the Wall Street Journal to be prepared to recommend that a global reserve currency be created at the London Summit of the G20 countries next month. Comments by the Chinese central bank governor Zhou Xiaochuan has brought the issue to the forefront as such a move would mean creating a reserve currency that is not the U.S. dollar. A leading candidate is the IMF's Special Drawing Rights (SDR) which was created in 1965 and now consists of the U.S. dollar, euro, Sterling and yen, whereby the dollar accounts for some 44% of the basket. But, that's not 100%. Whereas international business, commodities and oil are all priced in dollars, making it effectively the reserve currency for the global economy with resultant benefits and downsides.

 

One notable benefit is that demand for the dollar is detached from the fundamentals of the U.S. economy, such that it can run deficits and loose monetary policy and still enjoy low interest rates. Another is that investors view the currency as a safe haven so that the Americans will find funding their debt much easier. In recent years, this reserve currency effect has also led to global imbalances whereby Asian and Middle Eastern exporting nations grew via exports by keeping their currencies competitive vis-a-vis the dollar. 

 

Can any currency be a reserve currency? The currency market needs to be deep enough for other countries to draw on the currency as needed for their external liabilities and trades. The SDR is a possibility, but will it be sufficiently divested from the dollar? If so, then which other currencies will take up the space? For the Chinese RMB to perform that function, it will have to overcome the initial hurdle of being convertible. And, that's been a tall order so far.

 

24 March 2009 Teetering on the brink of deflation

 

The RPI for the UK was 0% in February 2009, which makes for the first time since 1960 that the price level has not risen year-on-year. The CPI remains stubbornly high at 3.2% despite the economy contracting and the same pattern of constancy would be expected of core inflation which strips out the volatile items of food and energy. This would be good news for borrowers since inflation would erode the real value of their borrowing as households and firms de-leverage and pay down debt. This suits the Bank of England's liquidity injections which are intended to reflate the economy. For savers, deflation would have increased the real value of their savings, since a 1% price fall would equal a 1% increase in real returns on saved funds. Inflation has the opposite effect and so British savers now face a negative real interest rate on their savings as the Bank of England base rate is 0.5% while CPI rose to 3.2% from 3.0% in January.

 

Despite the Bank of England having to write a letter to the Chancellor to explain the breach of the 1% bound on the 2% inflation target, this is not a bad situation to be in. With the real economy expected to contract by 1.6% this quarter, deflation and the heavy cost on repayment of debt that would entail remain the primary concern. The weak Sterling pushing up imported food and energy prices and the effects of quantitative easing are all working toward reflating the economy. The Bank can only hope that it is not too successful as deflation can quickly become inflation and that would be very difficult to contend with if liquidity boosts and fiscal stimuli are still on the agenda then.

 

20 March 2009 Lessons from Northern Rock

 

Today's report from the National Audit Office makes for uncomfortable reading for the government. There were a chronicle of errors which led to the eventual nationalisation of Northern Rock in February 2008 months after injecting it with public support and then another round of financing was needed later that summer. In many ways, the most damaging aspects of the report are that the tri-partite authority of the Bank of England, the FSA and HM Treasury did not priortise dealing with the possibility of bank failures back in 2004. This included not revising upward the maximum deposit insurance from £33,000 or streamlining the payment process should there be a bank failure. This inaction led to the troubles of Northern Rock causing the first bank run in Britain in the modern era. Deposit insurance has since been reformed and the FSA has just announced comprehensive reforms to financial regulation. Also, the later nationalisations of Bradford & Bingley and HBOS were arguably conducted better. Nevertheless, this report underscores how far behind markets the regulators were. If there are any lessons to be learned, then this must surely be a crucial one.

 

19 March 2009 The U.S. plans to inject $1.2 trillion into its economy

 

A surprising announcement was made today that the Federal Reserves plans to buy $300 billion in long-term government debt (2-10 year maturities) and another $750 billion in mortgage-backed securities over the next six months. This follows from a $800 billion injection last December when the central bank also boosted money supply and thus undertook quantitative easing. This equates to a $2 trillion increase in the money supply in the U.S. and the Fed's balance sheet could hold an estimated $5 trillion of assets, some of which will be commercial paper and mortgage-backed securities that are not riskless.

 

To give a sense of magnitude, the U.S. is enlarging its nominal GDP by 10% which is similar to the UK's quantitative easing programme, but the absolute value is staggeringly large. There are only 14 countries in the world with an economy larger than $1 trillion and only 7 over $2 trillion, not adjusting for PPP. The U.S. may be creating credit and bypassing its clogged credit system to help a worsening economy, but all of these dollars floating around the world could transform a credit crunch into one characterised by excess liquidity. Liquidity was one the drivers of the current crisis and potentially the next one. If the emerging economies do not hold down prices, then there may be inflation to contend with as well the next time.

 

18 March 2009 UK unemployment exceeds 2 million

 

The latest ONS figures show that unemployment reached 2.03 million in Britain, bringing the unemployment rate to 6.5%. The number of people out of work rose by 165,000. The alternative measure, the claimant count, was also up by 138,400 from the previous month and reached 1.39 million. In terms of vacancies, there are now only 1.8 jobs per 100 employee jobs.  The dramatic falls in employment are found across the private sector, particularly manufacturing, which should not be surprising given that the credit crunch affects all aspects of the real economy. The city, for instance, accounts for only 1% of the labour force. Thus, the rise in unemployment in London was exceeded by the industrial Northeast and Wales.  The key driver appears to be redundancies, similar to the last quarter.

 

The redundancy rate of 10.5 per 1,000 employees was a rise from 10.2 in the previous quarter. These figures represent a significant jump from the start of 2008 when the rate was just over 4. This suggests that shedding workers is the largest driver of unemployment. This comes on the back of an IMF report that expects the recession to last into 2010, which means that unemployment could exceed 3 million or 10% of the labour force at the current pace of contraction. Stemming job losses would be crucial or the UK would face 1 out of 10 people out of work by the end of the year. So far most of these workers are short-term unemployed. The inactivity rate was 20.6%, which is only down 0.3 percentage points from a year earlier. If the recession turns into a depression, then workers could become discouraged and the inactivity rate would rise and the possibility of real recovery will be ever farther.

 

17 March 2009 The financial crisis and Africa

 

One of the most notable turnarounds is the change from negative to positive growth in sub-Saharan Africa during the past few years. The continent vividly represents the real gains made during a period of high growth but also asset bubbles in the West.  Africa will suffer the real economic downturn as global exports fall. But, so long as China and other industrializing countries such as India continue to demand exports of raw materials, commodities, energy, etc., then the impact on Africa will not be as severe as other developing (and developed) countries reliant on exports of manufactured goods which has contracted sharply. Although demand will not be as large as that which fueled the recent commodity boom, there is still a tremendous appetite coming particularly from China. This is evidenced by China’s recent investments of around $1 billion for Australia’s Midwest, a steel and iron producer, $2 billion for Oz Minerals, the world’s second largest zinc miner, nearly $20 billion for shares in Rio Tinto, including its mining operations around the world, and $25 billion invested in Russia in exchange for 20 years of oil supplies.

 

The terms of trade improvement, generated by rising export to import prices, seen in much of sub-Saharan Africa as a result is likely to continue, though at a much more moderated pace. The challenge for African nations is how to transform these real income gains into sustainable development. This will centre on two main factors. The first is to foster the process of industrialization so that modernization occurs rather than just resource extraction which does not help the country move up the value chain. Second, prudent macroeconomic management and maintaining a competitive exchange rate will be important, as robust exports can cause currency appreciation that erodes the competitiveness of other goods and services sold in global markets. Finally, countries that benefit from globalization are those which manage the process, including the terms in which foreign investment are made.

 

The last few years has seen robust economic growth in many African countries in contrast with the stagnation evident in much of the previous three decades. There may be an asset bubble that has burst and caused a global financial crisis, but the real economy gains are evident in Africa and in other emerging economies. Seizing this opportunity through gaining a better understanding of the changed global economic structure will be crucial.

 

13 March 2009 Not so much a global new deal as a new Bretton Woods

 

PM Gordon Brown is clamouring for a global new deal of coordinated fiscal stimulus policies to be adopted by the G20 when they meet in London next month. Today, leaders from the G20 will gather to lay the groundwork for the April 2nd summit. US Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner has called for this group of 19 of the world's 25 largest economies (plus the EU) to spend 2% of their GDP to boost their economies and counter-act an expected contraction of that magnitude expected this year in the world economy. As these nations account for over 90% of global GDP and the bulk of world trade, this is the right gathering. But, this is unlikely to be what comes out of the London Summit.

 

There are two main aims of the G20 meeting. The first is to coordinate recovery programmes, since some of domestic spending will into imports that helps another country's exports. The second is to reform the intrnational economic system. The first goal is hamstrung by disagreement between the US/UK and continental Europe (although the UK Chancellor Darling also doesn't seem keen on more spending) over more packages that will lead to high government debt levels. The Germans and the French argue that there are more automatic stabilisers in their economies (e.g., social security spending that rises in a recession) than in the U.S., making it less necessary to use discretionary spending as a stimulus. Also, Europe, particularly those outside of the Eurozone, do not have the benefit of the reserve currency effect of the U.S. dollar which makes their borrowing costs much higher and thus more expensive to reduce government debt. Those in the Euro will worry about the implications of high debt for the sustainability of the single currency, though all European nations are likely to become indebted in this recession.

 

This leaves reform of the international economic system. The Americans and the Australians want to increase the IMF's funds available to bail out countries from $200 billion to $500 billion, and for this sum to come from the Chinese. The Chinese, though, want to see an increase in their stake in the IMF and other bodies before they put in more money so that the funding is commiserate with their control rights. That implies diluting the shares of existing countries, like the U.S. which currently has an effective veto over the IMF due to its large stake of around 12%. Also, the Europeans are keen to push for global regulatory reform while the Americans are reluctant. Nevertheless, there is general agreement that the global governance structure does not match the structure of the new global economy. Thus, progress is more likely. But, this is about what happens in the future and less about solving the current crisis. And, it took 2 years of preparation before the Bretton Woods system was set up. We mustn't get our hopes up about what the G20 can come up with by April.

 

11 March 2009 The Bank of England starts easing

 

Today starts the Bank of England's quantitative easing programme where £2 billion has been injected into the economy through the central bank buying gilts and therefore putting new money into the economy. As Mervyn King says, changing the quantity (supply) instead of the price interest rates) has been done before. But, there are unconventional aspects to this policy that make its success somewhat uncertain.

 

First, the Bank is authorised to purchase not just government bonds (the usual mechanism for open market operations) but also corporate bonds and commercial paper. This increases risk, but bypasses the clogged credit system. It also expands the monetary base without the benefit of the money multiplier whereby banks lend a multiple of its expanded reserves. This explains why the figures are so large in that the UK will increase its nominal GDP by 5% within three months when £75 billion will be injected into the economy.  Second, the purchase is of longer-term gilts (5-9 years) so that is attempting to influence future interest rates and not just short-term ones. It looks to be successful as the price of gilts has risen while the yields have fallen for 10 year bonds. Normally, medium/long-term interest rates are affected by the anticipated economic condition in 5 or 10 years and not by short-term interest rates which is why central banks focus on that segment that is more usually under its control. This effect may be due to the government taking on one-third of the gilt market, of course. 

 

Third, the Bank will be issuing some £150 billion of new government bonds to finance the government's debt. Thus, it is buying up to £150 billion whilst then planning to sell roughly the same amount on behalf of the Treasury.  This is not per se unusual in that deficit spending and loose monetary policy often go hand-in-hand during a recession. It is just a question of timing and this one appears to work by pushing down longer-term interest rates which will ease the cost of borrowing for the Treasury as well as boost the economy at a difficult time. But, it also emphasises the extent to which the government is counting on the nominal boost to the economy. When prices adjust to the 10%/£150 billion injection, then the real economic effects disappear since there are no new goods/services produced but it's just more money chasing the same amount. However, in the meanwhile, GDP is boosted and the Treasury borrows a bit more cheaply which helps the recovery. With deflation more likely than inflation, this policy may just work if investors are willing to sell gilts, though there doesn't seem to be much else to buy.

 

10 March 2009 Why rich economies should not be export-led

 

Japan's dire economic position -- 12.7% contraction in GDP in 2008 that looks to be downwardly revised, a plummetting stock market and a financial crisis like other rich economies -- underscores the fragility of the world's second largest economy despite its $5 trillion GDP. Double digit falls in exports to the U.S. and EU, particularly of cars which make up some 1/5th of its exported goods, is the cause, just as it was the engine of growth during the 2000s where Japanese GDP expanded by some 1.5%, a rate that is similar to France and Germany.  However, exports have collapsed.  Exports fell over 40%, leading to a record monthly current account deficit of $2.74 billion in January. 

 

Of course, Japan had little choice but to rely on exports to maintain positive growth during its "lost decade." Domestic consumption stagnated due to the deflationary trap, leaving firms to look for consumers elsewhere. Government spending racked up debts of 170% of GDP since fiscal policy was the only tool left as monetary policy was ineffectual when an economy is in Keynes's liquidity trap whereby changes in interest rates/quantity of money has no effect on the real economy, so that the economy is not self-righting. Nevertheless, this reliance on exports has caused it to have the worst recession among the rich countries. Even the UK, with an arguably worse financial crisis, a housing bubble and is also an open economy, has fared better thus far.

 

Japan is purported to be proposing to spend another 2% of GDP to stimulate the economy.  It will certainly hope that the London Summit of the G20 leads to coordination of these packages since Japan's recovery will depend on those Western imports of its cars and electronic goods.

 

7 March 2009 Asset Protection Scheme and Lloyds

 

Lloyds Banking Group has come to an agreement to take part in the Asset Protection Scheme offered by the UK government to insure £258 billion worth of troubled assets and the government will hold up to 75% of the shares of the company in return. Similar to the recent deal with RBS, this will guarantee that Lloyds will not incur more than 10% of losses from the troubled assets. The rescue was expected as the scheme was designed to help such troubled banks. With the cost of this insurance scheme (around £600 billion to insure Lloyds and RBS) and the nationalisation that it entails, the prospect of a "bad" bank looks more appealing. Or else we may well face lingering disclosures of troubled assets and write-downs as the recession drags down bank balance sheets, which then lead to more rescues and nationalisations that further depress the economy and it enters into a downward spiral. Taking the financial hit all at once could break that spiral and may even help ensure that there remains a commercial banking system at the end of this credit crisis.

 

5 March 2009 The Bank of England's plunge 

 

The most notable part of the decision taken by the MPC was the announcement of £75 billion to be used as part of the Bank's quantitative easing policy. By cutting interest rates by 50 basis points to 0.5% and announcing an increase of the money supply by up to £150 billion, the British central bank is intending to boost nominal GDP by at least 12% (since £75 billion roughly equates to 6% of GDP) on top of the stimulative effects of the interest rate cut. However, neither may boost to the economy if the monetary transition mechanism -- through which interest rates and purchases of government bonds/gilts operate in the real economy via the banking system -- remains clogged. The first half of the quantitative easing measure is geared at gilts and the interest rate operates through the banking system as well. We may have to wait for the second half of the funds that could go to purchase corporate bonds and commercial paper (longer and shorter term corporate debt instruments) to operate, as that bypasses the banks and puts liquidity directly into the pockets of business. As such, these are more risky than the usual buying and selling of government bonds in open market operations. In other words, when the Bank of England used to target the money supply (quantity instead of price of money which is the interest rate), it is done by purchasing and selling government bonds from/to the banking system to get the money into the economy. It doesn't just print money and spend it. The money multiplier, whereby banks keep some and lend out the rest, increases the effectiveness of the policy. Buying corporate debt bypasses the banks but also the money multiplier, so more has to be injected. And again, corporate bonds are not as riskless as government ones, so this part is untried but reflects the extent of the credit crisis for businesses which power the real economy.

 

With financial deregulation in the 1980s, it became harder to target the money supply, so the price was used instead in a regime of inflation targeting. Going back to trying to control the quantity of money may not be as straightforward as this plan appears. Taking on corporate debt as well may increase credit directly but will also raise the risk profile of the Bank of England.

 

4 March 2009 The Special Partnership: UK-US relations in the midst of the economic crisis

 

There may have been no announcement of specific policies to benefit the UK and although it was brief, the meeting between President Obama and Prime Minister Brown is important in establishing the relationship between these two leaders and also provides some political cover by showing agreement over their approach to the financial crisis. Obama and Brown may not see eye to eye on every issue, but neither is in denial over the scale of the economic downturn. Both are in favour of the aggressive use of fiscal policy. Each has already introduced fiscal stimulus packages which exceed 1% of GDP and shown a willingness to borrow heavily to finance bank rescues as well as use unconventional policies like quantitative easing. But, they face opposition parties at home which are concerned about the scale of the borrowing required as the credit crisis continues. One interpretation of the honour accorded to Prime Minister Brown to address both houses of Congress could be that the Democrats in charge are presenting a European leader who emphasises the need for deficit spending and is a show of international support for the approach taken by the Obama administration. Brown’s address to Congress suited the controlling Democrats while Obama inviting Brown as the first European leader to visit him in the White House accorded status to the PM.

 

As part of a country’s stimulus spending goes to imports, one country’s spending will spillover and benefit another. Although no practical help will come directly from the US to the other side of the pond, the measures taken by the Americans will certainly be beneficial in stimulating global demand. For an open economy like the UK where trade accounts for over one-third of GDP, that may be the most helpful of all.

 

A shorter version appeared in the London Evening Standard.

 

24 February 2009 China’s banks may be the largest in the world now but the old problems remain

 

With Western banks losing market value, the largest banks in the world are now the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) and China Construction Bank. However they may have escaped unscathed from the sub-prime mortgage fallout, China’s banks still face their own problems stemming from the legacy of transition.

 

The accumulation of non-performing loans (NPLs) or bad debts in China's banking system is a direct result of years of subisidising inefficient state-owned enterprises through the state-owned banking system. This has led to banking crises in other transition economies. The Chinese government attempted to rid the NPLs via two main methods. First, recapitalisation, for instance, by injecting some $45 billion from its foreign exchange reserves into 2 of the 4 state-owned commercial (SCBs) before their IPOs. Second, in 1999, they formed 4 asset management companies (AMCs) -- each attached to 1 of the SCBs, which took the NPLs off of the books of the banks, totalling some RMB 2,400 billion in the past decade. In turn, these AMCs issued bonds which paid around 2.5% interest to the banks for taking the assets. For the banks, a troubled asset has become fee-generating. For the AMCs, it had assets to peddle.

 

They attempted to sell the bad assets to private investors, including joint venture funds. Some of these were bought, initially because foreign investors believed that debt-for-equity swaps were possible, which would have allowed equity purchases into SOEs that had been difficult with China's restrictions on foreign investment. However, of the ones which were sold, the debt-for-equity swaps never materialised, so the appetite for these assets further dwindled. This meant that the better assets were sold, while the AMCs are left with the worst ones and still burdened with paying interest on the bonds, which they may not be able to afford. As the AMCs are state-owned and run, as are the banks, the common view is that these are liabilities of the state, pushing up China's national debt from the official 18% to some 22% of GDP.

 

Even this figure under-estimates the extent of the NPL problem. The issue is not just the stock but the continuing flow of bad debts. Before 2000, NPLs were substantial and around 1/3rd of the banking system's assets in 2001 when it agreed to open its banking sector to competition as part of WTO membership. Official estimates are that the NPL ratio fell to just over 5% for the SCBs in the past year, though these figures exclude the China Agricultural Bank (CAB). The CAB's position was so poor that China's sovereign wealth fund purchased a 50% stake. These measures, though, led to successful IPOs for the other 3 SCBs which also sold minority equity stakes to foreign banks, attracted by the size of China's banking market.

 

But, other estimates of NPLs are not so sanguine because it is the continuing build up of bad debts that are the problem. With the removal of the NPLs and recapitalisations, the Chinese banking system may look solid, but it has just transferred the problems elsewhere that ultimately all accrues back to the state. With the financial crisis squeezing Chinese finances and slowing its growth rate, the system looks to be less sustainable. Although many had characterised the state banking system as insolvent but flush with cash, if depositors lose confidence and turn to the foreign banks increasingly permitted to take deposits via their domestically incorporated subsidiaries or move their money abroad, then a banking crisis may well occur. It will not be of the sub-prime variety, but a plain vanilla transition banking crisis. In any case, it is not a model for emulation.

 

23 February 2009 Quietly a "bad bank" is formed

 
RBS has announced plans to off-load an estimated £200-300 billion worth of assets into a separate division which will presumably include troubled assets and non-core businesses such as in America and Asia. Further details are expected later this week. At the same time, it is the first bank to sign up for the government's insurance policy that will limit its losses on loans worth up to £250 billion. By so doing, it will attempt to return to private sector hands by focusing to its core retail lending business and divest itself from public ownership, as the UK government currently has a nearly 70% stake in the bank.
 
Without governmental support and indeed majority ownership, it is questionable whether this type of restructuring would be feasible. The taxpayer is in effect underwriting the "bad bank" which will now be separated from the "good bank" consisting of its core, retail lending business. As Citigroup and Bank of America as well as AIG look to need more capital from the U.S. government and as taxpayers take on up to 90% of the liabilities under the insurance scheme provided as a back-stop to losses associated with troubed assets in the UK, adding another 10% to 100% by creating a "bad bank" would be a price worth paying if it restores confidence in the banking system.
 
21 February 2009 Selling US Treasuries
 
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's maiden voyage was to Asia, the first time this region has been first for some 50 years and underscores the importance the Obama administration places particularly on the bilateral relationship between the US and China. Clinton made the notable comment that the US appreciates the purchases of US Treasuries by China (and presumably other countries in the region and the world). Asia holds a substantial amount of US debt, with China the largest holder with reportedly $700 billion held in US Treasuries, certainly making this visit apropos in the midst of this economic crisis.
 
With the US trade deficit shrinking to some 2% of GDP and exports plummeting in China by 17% according to the latest figures and worse falls elsewhere in Asia, the need to purchase dollars to stabilise currencies will lessen. In this instance, will there still be global appetite for dollar-denominated assets? The Americans hope so, since the US budget deficit is projected to exceed $1 trillion this year and was over half a trillion last year. All of this debt to finance the banking sector bail-outs and fiscal stimulus packages will need to be sold, including to global buyers, or else risk pushing up the cost of borrowing in the US with the risk of medium term stagnation. The Americans should be anxious as its debts mount and should seek to cut the budget deficit as soon as it is feasible, which is the current aim of the US administration.
 
Despite the worries, in terms of its debt, it is likely to find buyers for a number of reasons. Demand for the currencies of rich economies, particularly the U.S., is driven not by international trade but by their attractiveness as places for investment and affected by security of the holdings. The U.S. is still a safe haven for investors and its debt is viewed accordingly. Most countries which hold US Treasuries will not wish for their value to plummet which can result in losses of billions of dollars, so they are unlikely to sell dollar assets. This is also because it would destabilise the main export market (US consumers) for these emerging economies, e.g., the Middle East and Asia. And, these emerging economies largely peg their currencies to the dollar. So as long as they continue to run trade surpluses (particularly likely in oil-exporting countries), they will demand dollars to maintain their exchange rates. 
 
A Chinese banking official was quoted in the Washington Post as saying that the Chinese had few options but to buy US Treasuries as their choices were limited and that they were not going to buy Japanese or UK government bonds, for instance.
 
The Americans will most likely be able to finance their deficit spending to cope with the recession. The bigger worry is can anyone else?
 
17 February 2009 UK inflation, credit creation and unconventional monetary policy
 
The latest figures for UK inflation released this morning show a -0.7% month-on-month fall in the CPI, taking the annualised rate to 3% in January from 3.1% a month earlier. The latest figure reflects falling energy and transport costs, firms cutting prices to sell inventory, among others, but is bolstered by more expensive imports for items such as food as the Pound has weakened considerably.  RPI (Retail Prices Index) fell to 0.1%, reflecting the inclusion of mortgage interest payments and housing depreciation that are not in the CPI, both of which have come down considerably over the past few months due to rate cuts and the slump in the housing market.
 
Normally, CPI at 3% would give little scope for either a cut in interest rate or boosting the money supply. Inflation is still 1 percentage point above the Bank of England's target of 2%, but that doesn't seem to be generating much concern since the BoE forecasts that inflation will fall below trend over the next two years. Instead, the RPI figure which is nearly zero and falling factory input/output prices particularly suggest that deflation is a possibility. Consensus forecasts expect RPI to become negative this year. Thus, as firms and households shed debt or de-leverage, deflation would make that burden heavier. As prices are likely to fall further, there is greater scope for quantitative easing to boost the economy. Credit creation thus looks more promising than before. 
 
These are, of course, not normal times. Particularly since open market operations to change the money supply usually involve purchases of government bonds to inject money into the system. Or, the central banks sells government bonds to soak up money. The plans for quantitative easing would allow the Bank of England to purchase corporate bonds. The Americans have gone directly into the commercial paper market. But, it doesn't seem to have sufficiently unclogged the credit system despite this unconventional policy. The latest bail-out plan in the U.S. centres on public-private funds to rid troubled assets from the balance sheets of banks to get the credit market going again. These are certainly unusual times.
 
14 February 2009 Don’t write off the G7

  

Although it is true that the real action on coordinated policy will be when the G20 group of developed and developing countries meet later this spring, the G7 group of rich countries have a significant role to play – just not as the sole arbiters of the world economy but rather an important bloc. First, the financial crisis stems from the developed world, so how the U.S. and Western European nations sort out the banking system to unclog global credit markets will be of paramount importance. Second, although the G7’s share of global GDP has fallen steadily from accounting for nearly half in 1980 to the rise of emerging economies like China and India, most of the markets are still in the rich world, as the developing countries may have large aggregate economies but low levels of per capita income. Thus, how they stimulate their markets will matter, though not as much as before, and certainly if they undertake protectionist measures. Third, despite the criticisms of regulatory failure in the West, most developing countries struggle with their legal and institutional systems. Leadership will be needed to develop a better regulatory system for global markets, and that will require the input of the G7 countries as well as the new players on the world scene, which is why there are now rightly calls to expand the membership of Financial Stability Forum, a body that was formed in the aftermath of the 1990s financial crisis to establish standards for capital markets. Finally and perhaps most importantly, the G7 still constitute the largest and deepest markets in the world. Coordinating their economic responses will be crucial, as recovery in the West will lift much of the developing world, many of whom rely on export-led growth.

 

All that being said, the upcoming G20 summit will be the one to watch. The G20 account for some 90% of global GDP as it comprises 19 of the 25 largest economies in the world (along with the EU as a separate entity) and the bulk of world trade. Any discussion of reforming the international economic system, whether it is financial regulation or reconstituting the stakeholders of the IMF and World Bank, will have to be in that setting. However, there is plenty of work to do on the global financial crisis that will keep our attention on the G7.

 
13 February 2009 Bad news from Germany and the EU
 
German GDP contracted by 2.1% in the 4th quarter of 2008, worse than the figure for the UK, and marking the third consecutive quarter of decline. Although details won't be released until later this month, the indications are that the downturn was led by falling exports and investment. Industrial output in the euro-zone economies is also significantly down, leading to a contraction of 1.5% in GDP in the euro economies in the same quarter.
 
Germany's poor performance underscores the global nature of this recession. Its trade-to-GDP ratio is over 50%, which is unusual for a large economy. It tends to be the small ones like Singapore where exports and imports account for over four times GDP. Large economies (with large denominators) tend to be more diversified and less driven by exports, e.g., United States whose ratio is around 25%, though it is the world's third largest trader. Even the UK, considered to be an open economy, has a ratio of around 37%. Of course, intra-European trade which accounts for some three-quarters of all exports from EU countries is one of the reasons, but the comparison with the UK still underscores the importance of global demand for Germany, the world's largest trader.
 
This recession is increasingly unlike the one in the early 1990s, but rather reminiscent of the early 1980s. Global trade is expected to contract this year as it did in 1982, compounding a domestic recession with a global one. This is the other face of globalisation and the growth in linkages among markets, that is, synchronised business cycles. This makes coordination of stimulative economic policies all that much more important, as the major economies are likely to sink or swim together this year. This data also will put a great deal of pressure on the ECB to cut rates from 2% next month.
 
12 February 2009 Rio Tinto and Chinalco: The real issue
 
Chinalco (Aluminum Corporation of China) is investing $19.5 billion into Australia's Rio Tinto, the largest overseas investment by a Chinese company to date. Chinalco is a state-owned enterprise (SOE). SOEs have been prompted to become more commercially oriented since economic reforms began but without change in ownership.  Many have subsidiaries which are listed companies, as does Chinalco, but the parent is a SOE. China also wants its companies to become global players, as part of the "going out" strategy launched in the mid 1990s and effectuated in the early 2000s.
 
Thus, it is likely the case that Chinalco desires to become a global diversified company, which is at least partly why it has invested in Rio Tinto's mining assets around the world as the right to buy shares of the company, bringing its equity investment to some 18% in the Rio Tinto group. China's own desires to secure supplies of raw materials must have also been a reason, given that the financing is not from a commercial source but the China Development Bank, a policy bank under the direction of the Chinese government whose aim is to further China's economic development.
 
As Chinalco is taking a $20 billion loan from the China Development Bank to invest $19.5 billion into Rio Tinto (which is in turn earmarking the funds to pay off two tranches of debt of $19 billion that are coming due at the end of 2009 and 2010), it is as if China is lending the money to Rio Tinto on favourable terms, as is the want of states with non-commercial as well as commercial aims. Indeed, that is the real issue of the deal. State-supported firms can access money cheaply so they maximise their profits without being subject to real budget constraints. This can lead to profitability but always results in inefficiency. And, the latter can lead to an accumulation of non-performing loans or bad debts in the state-owned banking system, which is the case in China. This is the challenge for Chinalco and other Chinese SOEs, and something which Rio Tinto should bear in mind even if the dealings with China are at arm's length.
 
5 February 2009 Bad banks and interest rates
 
The Bank of England's cut of 50 basis points to bring the interest rate to 1% may have been expected, but might not be effective if the credit crunch is not resolved. The reason is that interest rates work to stimulate the economy via the 'monetary transmission mechanism.' If the commercial banking system is clogged up with troubled assets causing banks to rebuild their balance sheets, then lower interest rates squeeze their margins while deteriorating conditions in the real economy making lending less palatable. The transmission of the policy rate decision therefore does not filter into the wider economy in the intended ways, i.e., ease credit conditions.
 
To unclog the credit system will require resolving the credit crunch. The insurance scheme recently put in place in the UK was intended to 'ring-fence' the troubled assets on the balance sheets of banks. The scheme is probably easier to implement than pricing the troubled assets, which is thought to be one of the reasons that this original aim of the U.S. TARP plan was abandonned, as well as not shift the liabilities onto the taxpayer and add to the national debt at the outset. However, if this crisis is in part one of confidence, then the opacity of these measures is problematic.
 
The UK Chancellor Alaister Darling and the new American administration are now raising the possibility of a 'bad bank' or 'aggregator bank' to hold the troubled assets associated with sub-prime mortgages and take them off of the balance sheets of banks, such as the RBS. The appeal of doing so is to clearly do what the government had pretty much been done with the insurance scheme (minus valuation difficulties), but with greater transparency. Also, the experience of Sweden in the 1990s is that the 'bad bank' holding troubled assets may not cost the taxpayer when the housing market recovers, though it took nearly a decade. With mounting levels of government debt through rescuing the banks, this option should be more attractive than insurance alone which does not provide as much of the potential upside when the crisis is over. In other words, the government owns the 'bad bank' so when (and if) the assets recover their value, then the benefits accrue to the taxpayer. Through the insurance scheme, the taxpayer is still liable for some 90% of the troubled assets but the government only receives the benefits through its shareholdings in the banks, which will be less than 100%. This would clear the books for the commercial banks, which is preferable to government getting into the business of lending. Of course, the other part of this plan would have to ensure that the banks don't get into a similar mess in the future.
 
2 February 2009 Trade deficits, strong currencies and output
 
The Salter-Swan model (or open economy version of the standard AS-AD framework such as can be found in Chapter 13 of Chamberlin & Yueh's Macroeconomics) captures an interesting trade-off that is evident in Australia as it is in the UK. There is a three-way relationship between a strong currency, a trade deficit and strong growth (low unemployment) with stable inflation. A strong currency makes imports cheaper at the expense of export competitiveness (thus a trade deficit) and finances a good standard of living at low rates of inflation. In a sense, it allows for a range of output where inflation is constant, depending on the real exchange rate.  A trade deficit can be financed by raising the domestic interest rate to attract capital inflows to maintain the overall balance of payments equilibrium. But, an economy can't borrow indefinitely from abroad, or even over the medium term if it is not a reserve currency like the U.S. dollar.
 
Australia has benefitted as a commodities exporter from the global commodity boom of the past few years, but perhaps counter-intuitively ran trade deficits at the same time. But, viewed in terms of the Salter-Swan model, it is not so surprising. The terms of trade improvement (increase in value of an index of exports to imports) has raised real incomes while Australian consumers also gained from cheap imports. The current decline in commodity prices alongside a fall in global demand for raw materials such as minerals and steel means that Australia is facing a double hit in terms of a terms of trade deterioration (the IMF predicts that commodity prices are expected to fall some 27% in 2009) and a contraction in the volume of exports as its main markets slow (Japan, China, Korea). Although Australia is better positioned than many developed economies and predicted to contract by at most 1% this year -- and importantly has good scope to use both monetary and fiscal policies (interest rates are at 4.25% and it has less debt), the reliance on this three-way trade-off is apparent, particularly as agricultural products and commodities account for only 10% of GDP but 57% of exports. However, by the same token, Australia has scope to re-orient toward domestic consumption. 
 
The UK has similarly had a strong currency, trade deficits and strong growth with low inflation and low unemployment. Adjusting to this trilemma may be more awkward since the tools in the British economic arsenal are not as well-situated as the Australians and there is banking crisis to pay for on top of it all.
 
28 January 2009 Assessing growth figures
 
Chinese growth figures are computed on a year-on-year basis and not on a quarter-on-quarter annualised seasonally adjusted (SAAR) basis, so it is true that this approach can mask a downturn later in the year on account of strong growth in the earlier quarters. Most market economies compute their GDP using SAAR and make seasonal adjustments to the data, e.g., if retail sales are always up in the fourth quarter because of the holidays, then the figure is seasonally adjusted. If the growth figure is computed on a year-on-year basis, then the seasonal adjustment is made by comparing like with like without using seasonal adjustment filters on the data. The implication is that Chinese slowdowns are evident later than if they used SAAR, but it also applies to the upturn. In turn, a quarter-on-quarter measure gives more weight to the recent data and if growth is accelerating downward, then the contraction would look more pronounced.
 
The annual growth rate of 9% in 2008 in China is certainly pulled up by the strong showing in the first two quarters, while the 9% growth in the third quarter and 6.8% figure in the fourth quarter are better harbingers of the outlook for the economy in 2009. But, do remember that the upturn will also be lately seen. Chinese figures are often accused of being massaged and they can be due to political motivations as ambitious provincial officials may be reluctant to report a slowdown. This way of computing GDP, though, cuts both ways.
 
27 January 2009 De-globalisation
 
Gordon Brown's newly coined word carries a warning that we must guard against globalisation in retreat. Exports certainly helped manufacturers in the early 1990s recession such that the decline in that sector was some 8%. With a global recession alongside a domestic one this time, manufacturing firms' output are down 8% already and the recession has only just started. Nevertheless, restrictions on trade and capital flows would only make this recession worse, which is something that economists agree on (which is unusual). Yet, there are worrying signs. If the bailouts of the banking sector include tacit encouragements to lend to domestic households and firms rather than foreigners and subsidies are provided to the car industry and perhaps others, then does the action match the rhetoric of promoting globalisation? And, it's not just the UK. From the U.S. to China to Russia, there are creeping signs. In Russia's case, it's overt tariffs on imported cars. In America's case, it's a push to 'buy American'. In China's case, it's subsidies to exporters.
 
Given the scale of the British recession and credit crunch that is starving its businesses (e.g., the manufacturing sector was responsible for half of the 1.5% drop in growth rate in 2008Q4 even though it only accounts for 15% of GDP), measures to encourage domestic lending seem warranted as a temporary means of getting the economy going again. However, as the Americans say, there is nothing more permanent than a temporary government programme -- or policy in this instance. Gordon Brown will have to continue to work to persuade other countries that this is not the case.
 
26 January 2009 Protectionism and the global recession
 
2009 will mark the first year in which the volume of global exports is expected to contract since 1982. As international trade has been a boon to global growth during the past half century (growing on average at 9% while the world has been growing at over 3%), the drop in exports will be painful for not only export-led economies (Singapore) but also countries seeking to recover via exports (Japan).
 
The temptation is to protect domestic markets via trade barriers (the "Buy American" clause for inputs into the infrastructure projects under consideration in President Obama's proposed $800+ billion stimulus package working its way through Congress) or financial subsidies (such as the $6 billion for exporters in Taiwan) or financial mercantalism (PM Gordon Brown's warning against withdrawing lending from global markets) or undertake "beggar thy neighbour" policies through competitive currency devaluations (highlighted by the U.S. Treasury Secretary-designate Timothy Geithner's comments to the Senate in which he regarded China as a "currency manipulator"). Companies from U.S. firms like GE and Caterpillar to the G20 garthering of major economies all agree that trade barriers during a time of downturn would worsen the global recession. For instance, the G20 agreed to not enact any trade barriers for 12 months at their first summit on the crisis in Washington DC last November in recognition of this threat.
 
Any such enactment would result in retaliation by which no country will reap the benefits of protectionism before its trading partners react. There is already a gradual realignment of the 'global imbalances' whereby the U.S. trade balance in November improved the most in 12 years and the trade deficit is at its lowest level since 2003. However, the narrowing of the trade gap was a result of falling imports (cheaper energy and declines in purchases of consumer goods) rather than export growth. The strong Chinese trade surpluses in November and December of last year reflect a similar trend of imports falling faster than exports, though both declined. This points to the real challenge in the global economy, more so than currencies. If there is no global demand, then exports will fall. Trade barriers will only hasten that outcome, as opposed to keeping that channel open as there will still be economies that grow this year. Also, the scale of the bail-out packages of Western governments means that they will find that tapping into global savings from surplus nations to be helpful and erecting barriers to trade and investment flows to be the opposite. In other words, the global imbalances will need to be re-balanced but gradually. Reverting to shades of the protectionist U.S. Smoot-Hawley Act of 1930 would align this crisis even closer to the Great Depression of the 1930s.
 
23 January 2009 UK recession
 
The 4th quarter GDP figure of -1.5% officially indicates that the UK economy is in recession, which started in the middle of 2008. The technical definition of two consequitive quarters of negative growth has been met as the 3rd quarter figure was -0.6%. Taken together with the 2nd quarter figure of 0% and +0.4% for the 1st quarter, the economy in 2008 expanded only slightly to £1.28 trillion from 2007's £1.27 trillion (real GDP in 2005 prices) so the growth rate was 0.7% for the year, according to the Office for National Statistics. In my post of October 15, 2008 below, I noted that some think tanks such as the National Institute believed that the UK had been in recession since May 2008 and the signs were there as of the autumn.
 
The question on everyone's mind is how long will it last. In the post-WWII period, the average period of expansion exceeds that of contraction for developed countries. However, the scale of the financial crisis which has led to the credit crunch that has stymied lending to the real economy, hampering even those businesses which wish to invest, makes this crisis difficult to judge. For instance, the European Commission predicts that it won't be until 2011 that the UK economy recovers. Taking another gauge, the UK has followed the U.S. business cycle each time in the past half century. The often followed arbiter of recessions in the U.S., NBER (National Bureau of Economic Research) dates the start of the U.S. recession at December 2007, making it unlikely that it will end before 2010. In which case, the UK economy is unlikely to turn around before then, particularly given the scale of woes in the financial sector.
 
It is clear that a lot depends on resolving the financial crisis before the lagging real effects in the economy can be assessed. Thus, the various bail-out packages geared at the financial sector along with the use of the usual economic policy tools (monetary and fiscal) will be crucial.
 
21 January 2009 Quantitative easing
 
In contrast to TARP, the injection of $800 billion into the U.S. economy ($600 billion to buy mortgage-backed instruments and another $200 billion to support homeowners and small businesses) at the end of 2008 elicited minimal debate. A key difference is that this was done by the Federal Reserve, so money was injected into the economy without paying for it through issuing government debt and thus no need to go through Congress. This is under consideration in the UK, but it is still some ways off. As the Bank of England's Paul Tucker said before the Treasury Select Committee today, this is an option that the MPC will consider when interest rates are at zero and they are not there yet: 1.5% at present as compared with the U.S. interest rate of approximately zero when they undertook the action. If interest rates are at zero, then the price of money won't affect the amount of credit in the economy, so the quantity of money would be targeted instead, and thus 'quantitative easing.' 
 
There are numerous perils in this approach and also benefits. First, it didn't work very well in Japan for a number of reasons. If the credit system is clogged by uncertainty over lingering bad debts, then more liquidity is unlikely to unclog it and instead banks need to declare their positions. Second, there is an unfortunate history of governments printing money in developing countries to pay off their debts, which leads to inflation and usually hyperinflation. How it alters inflation expectations will matter a great deal as to its effectiveness and the long-term consequences of the action. However, if deflation is a serious threat (although the UK inflation rate is 3.1%), then reflating the system will help the de-leveraging process of businesses and households whereby the burden of debt repayment is less since inflation erodes the real value of those liabilities. By contrast, if deflation takes hold, then the real value of those debts increases, making the process more painful. Perhaps most notably, for a government facing record amounts of borrowing, quantitative easing is appealing as a way of injecting a nominal boost into the economy that might just have some short-term real effects.
 
19 January 2009 A view of the new world order
 

China's view of its place in the new world order is still in the formative stages. It does not view India or other emerging economies as a benchmark, but rather its focus is on the United States. As proposed by the former U.S. national security advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski in a piece in the FT on January 13th, they could form the G2 or Group of Two. This is for economic as well as other reasons, but certainly the economic might of China is what has propelled it to become one of the twin engines of global economic growth alongside the United States in the past couple of decades, fortifying its long-standing political influence with corresponding economic power. This combination of being one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council as a prominent but non-democratic political power that has gained economic influence is one of the reasons for the wariness that accompanies China's emergence. Not all are wary, as businesses have largely overlooked much of the institutional weaknesses to embrace China's marketisation. Nevertheless, hesitancy exists for many, which interestingly reflects China's own evolving and sometimes contradictory view as to what it means to be a global power. China's focus has been, and remains, predominantly inward-looking, as its priority is delivering growth for its people. Recognising that its actions have wider global consequences is happening. The financial crisis may have hastened China's external role, but it was already occurring. How China engages the G20 or even the G2 will say a great deal about the contours of the emerging multi-polar world. What has been clear is that China recognises the importance of the global economy in contributing to its extraordinary growth in the past decade. Sustaining it should be both an internal and an external priority.

 
10 January 2009 Getting out of the financial crisis
 

The financial crisis is not over. The deleveraging process is still playing out. I think we need some form of economic stimulus in the UK and the US, though this is by no means guaranteed to work.

The US has already done quantitative easing to some extent, and it's not a bad idea; when you have so much debt in the economy and a risk of deflation, having some degree of quantitative easing, thereby putting more inflation into the economy, makes sense. What you want to avoid is "seigniorage" – where the government prints money to pay off its debt – though the UK is a long way off that now.

 

Clearly it makes sense for the Government to keep the fiscal side of things as neutral as possible. The amount of debt it is planning to take on is extraordinary by UK standards. Its argument is that you need to put money into the system, and Government spending is one of the primers of the economy. And although most governments are following similar policies, there is a question over whether the amount they borrow will contribute to a long period of stagnation. The Conservatives, on the other hand, seem to be taking a position that is far away from the consensus.

 

Ultimately, this is a question of compromise: what is the worst outcome – avoiding a depression or increasing the level of indebtedness and a risk of increasing inflation expectations?

 

Comments made in “Six ways to get the economic motor running,” The Daily Telegraph, 10 January 2009.

 
6 January 2009 Joblessness and lawlessness?
 
Unemployment in China is a serious concern when growth slows because it exposes the frailties in the system. For instance, when a factory closes and wages are unpaid, there is not necessarily an orderly procedure and ex-workers protest at the gates to get compensation, usually from the government worried about social unrest. Unemployment has been mis-measured for some time in China which also makes the assessment of the problem problematic. Migrant workers from the countryside are not counted in the official statistics and their lack of formal standing due to the household registration system means that they are unaccounted for as they move around and yet they are the primary source of laidoff workers from the factories shutting down to the fall in exports.
 
A further problem is college graduates. At 8%+ growth, China creates around 10 million new jobs each year, but there are some 7 million college graduates expected in 2009 alone. This has been a problem for some time since their employment rate has only been about 60% even before the slowdown. A disaffected educated urban class alongside millions of migrants does not pose a good picture for the Chinese authorities.The picture is not entirely dire since the authorities are increasingly made aware of the problem and has focused their policies on job creation, particularly through public works that can re-employ migrant workers. The question is whether they can do some quickly enough in a year that also marks 20 years since Tiananmen Square.

 

22 December 2008 Shifting from West to East

 

There is a global shift in economic power and influence from West to East, but perhaps more so, it is a recognition that the world is multi-polar with more than one engine of growth. America, particularly its capitalist ideology and practices, has stumbled badly in this economic crisis. China, by contrast, on the surface, appears to be a more sensible system.

 

But, China’s own institutional fragilities are becoming, and will become, more apparent with the economic slowdown. Due to weak legal system and regulatory structures, companies will irresponsibly close their doors and leave their workers with little recourse. Thus, there is a concern with social unrest when there is a decline in output or exports. Riots replace the usual orderly process of claiming benefits and bankruptcy work-outs.

 

Although both America and China appear to have recapitalised its banks and state ownership is now a trait alongside the private sector, the legacy of central planning makes China more vulnerable to an inefficiency-driven collapse of its financial sector as with most transition economies while the U.S. still deals at arms-length. That being said, the depth of the U.S. crisis is still unknown and it is sometimes said that there is nothing more permanent than a temporary government programme.

 

2009 will mark the first year in the post-war period that China and other emerging economies will drive 100% of global economic growth, while the rich economies are in recession. China has undoubtedly arrived on the world stage and does so in an admirable way in many respects, particularly the lifting of hundreds of millions out of poverty.

 

But, perhaps the most important indicator of the future contour of global power is not the outward signs but the shifts in ideology and persuasiveness. America is still the 'shining city on the hill' for many in the world. China lags behind. But, with this crisis, restoring faith in the capitalist system and its liberal ideology will be paramount. China’s phenomenal growth over 30 years is the best testament to its benefits – will the follower now become the leader?

 

11 December 2008 The other engine of growth
 
November figures for China are not heartening. Exports are down 2.2% while imports have fallen even further at 17.9%, both from a year earlier. Producer prices (PPI) and inflation (CPI) have fallen to 2% and 2.4% respectively, while industrial production is slowing to around 5% and possibly lower.
 
These figures, though worrisome in terms of the decline in the external sector knocking off around 2.4 percentage points from China's GDP growth rate and the prospect of deflation since both price indices have more than halved since the start of the year, are still not yet at the levels of the Asian financial crisis when China experienced deflation for 2 years in 1998 and 1999. China grew at 7.6% at the peak of that crisis while in a deflationary stance. Although disputed, household surveys from that period indicate that growth of per capita income was just under that figure and certainly positive.
 
This suggests a couple of things. First, China's imports are clearly geared at processing trade as imports have slumped far faster than exports, so imports are not likely to push China into a trade deficit so long as energy and commodity prices are declining due to the global economic crisis. Second, deflation is not necessarily a problem since inflation/deflation cycles are not unusual. Along wth "hot money"/capital outflows increasing, deflation could help purge excess liquidity that had hampered the use of monetary policy and allow China to more aggressively stimulate investment.
 
Finally, since the Chinese consumer does not consume much from abroad, the interesting figure will be retail sales where the latest figure from October still indicates a robust 20% increase year-on-year, which is only a small fall from the previous month. The limited social spending (1% on health and education and 5% on social housing) announced in the fiscal stimulus package announced recently will not do much to turn around domestic consumption by addressing social insecurity. With a fiscal deficit projected to be only some $40 billion this year, the Chinese government could afford to do more. The payback will well exceed the expenditure.
 
28 November 2008 Scale and cost of fiscal stimulus packages
 
The reasoning of coordinated economic stimulus packages is sound, given that some of the benefits will 'leak' into imports which benefits the exporting country. So, when countries coordinate their packages, then the overall benefit will be greater. Following that rationale, the EU has announced a package worth 1.5% of the GDP of the European Union, which is the largest economy in the world. But, it turns out only 0.3% of it will come from the EU budget, while the rest will be reliant upon coordination of packages of the member States. It formalises the notion that countries should coordinate and put in packages of 1.2% of GDP, but the stimulus delivered from the EU may well be smaller than the headline figure of 200 billion euros.
 
Britain's fiscal stimulus package announced earlier this week amounts to about 1.4% of GDP over 18 months. The cost of which will raise the net debt-to-GDP ratio to some 57% of GDP at its peak in 2013-14 by the government's calculations, considerably above the 40% level of the sustainable investment rule. The fiscal rules were suspended by the Chancellor on Monday. Though if the contingent liabilities of the government from the numerous bail-out packages of the banks were included, then the nation's economic health is much ruder and a potentially bigger problem than the discussions surrounding the PBR would indicate. Finally, are these packages of the EU and UK large enough to work? The 1% of GDP package spent by the US was not, and another one is planned for January. That may be the most worrying of all.
 
21 November 2008 Grim outlook for China's unemployment
 
The massive economic stimulus package of 15% of GDP over the next two years announced recently certainly indicates that the Chinese government is worried about the economy slowing down too quickly on the back of a dismal forecast for the world economy this and next year. The combination of policies is the right one and the focus on the domestic welfare provision is appropriate and promising. The question is whether the public infrastructure jobs be created quickly enough to absorb unemployed workers from the export sector, and how much of the spending is new as China is in the midst of a large-scale infrastructure spending project already.
 
However, it is unlikely that strong growth in China will offset a global slowdown, though growth in its economy will benefit those countries and companies selling to its domestic market, particularly its urban middle class. Despite the solid growth prospects, China’s average incomes are considerably lower than American and Western European consumers and they consume less of their incomes (they save more). The impact will be positive for the world, but not so much as to counter the global economic downturn.
 
23 October 2008 The financial cloud's silver lining
 
In The Guardian, I explore what a new Bretton Woods system could be like, which includes a more robust of international economic law and more inclusive global institutins, is found at: www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/oct/23/creditcrunch-recession.
 
20 October 2008 China slows
 
Third quarter figures for China indicate that growth has slowed to 9% on an annualised basis. The Chinese government has been after a slowdown of economic growth to around 8%, so this gradual decline alongside falling inflation (both consumer and producer prices) will be welcome. This is so long as the speed of decline does not speed up. This bodes well for the global economy which needs an engine of growth as the rich countries contract this year, though it also suggests that more attention will need to be paid to ensure financial stability in China so that it does not prolong the global slowdown if its economy, particularly its housing market, experiences a bursting of an asset bubble a few months down the line.
 
15 October 2008 UK unemployment rises... the recession is upon us
 
The latest unemployment figures for the UK indicate the ninth consecutive month of rising unemployment, reaching some 5.7% in August, the highest rate in 17 years after inflation hit 5.2%, which is also the highest rate in some 16 years. Unemployment is well known as a lagging indicator of economic health, so the effects of the current slowdown had not been significantly felt in the labour market until some time after the start of the U.S. sub-prime crisis in August of last year.  The weakness of the labour market, including falling employment rates, fewer vacancies, etc., suggests that the UK is in recession (the National Institute estimates the UK economy was in recession as of May). However, the good news is that the unemployment rate is lower than the U.S. rate of 6.1% in August and still looks cyclical rather than the result of a crash. In other words, even as the number of unemployed looks likely to reach 2 million by year's end (it's 1.792 million after gaining 164,000 over the quarter), it is still lower than the 3 million of the last recession. Of course, these are still early days as the full extent of the financial crisis plays out. Although with state ownership in the largest banks, the government is as well placed as it can be to make sure that banks come clean about their bad debts and help prevent the West from the lingering disclosures which prevented Japan's recovery after its real estate bubble burst in the early 1990s, leading to a 'lost decade.'
 
2 October 2008 Land ownership in China
 
The proposed move to create a system of land use rights, where rural residents can even transfer such rights, is a monumental change in China's property rights system. All land in China is effectively state-owned, which prevents farmers from using the land as collateral for loans, for instance, which stifles productivity. For some time, there have been experiments allowing some transfer of land use rights in rural areas, particularly due to the recent expropriation by local government of land for development, often with low levels of compensation, which is a source of unrest as farmers lose their livelihoods. By establishing the right to own and transfer the use of land, a market can develop, which is both efficient and more equitable as local government will find it more difficult to expropriate without reasonable compensation.  This is a large step forward in China's transition, which is particularly important as rural residents have fallen behind their urban counterparts and the rural economy needs much greater market stimulus. The forthcoming details should be closely monitored.

18 September 2008 New world order
 
China's sovereign wealth fund (CIC) is in talks to purchase a nearly 50% stake in Morgan Stanley and serve as an alternative to it merging with Wachovia, while the Bank of China will buy 20% of France's LCF Rothschild.  A position that I took on Monday's programme on the BBC has quickly coalesced, and shared by Robert Peston, the BBC's business editor in today's blog.  The global capital re-allocation process is underway.  It is a small economic leap to go from buying U.S./European government bonds to directly purchasing equity in Western firms, but it is a large political one.
 
17 September 2008 Causes and consequences
 
The conclusion that was evident after Monday's night discussion on BBC Radio 4's "The Credit Crunch Mess - What Next?" programme, particularly as it coincided with the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers that very morning, is that we are nowhere near the end of this financial crisis. This was echoed in related coverage on the BBC News website, "Credit Crunch Future Predictions". After giving that interview, AIG was bailed out the next day by the Fed. It's unsurprising that the causes of the credit crunch span numerous factors, but globalisation and globalised financial markets are particularly noteworthy. Just consider how a country (or even countries) with such high levels of consumer debt could have borrowed so much without interest rates rising, and the global appetite for U.S. debt comes to the fore. Or, how so much liquidity in the system, including that which went to sub-prime mortgages, was not inflationary, and the forces of globalisation heralding the 'nice decade' of low prices and strong growth become relevant. Most tellingly perhaps, is the rapidly with which the U.S. crisis has spread to firms and capital markets around the world due to their various financial linkages.  The proposed merger between HBOS and Lloyds TSB to bolster the former, and Asian central banks from Japan to Australia injecting liquidity into markets due to exposure as Lehman creditors are but two examples of global consequences.  Even as the consequences are still being addressed given that more bad news appear seemingly daily, there is already much needed debate over the required reforms and understanding the causes is all the more important.
 
15 September 2008 What the Coca-Cola & Huiyuan merger says about China's Anti-Monopoly Law
 
Since the promulgation of the Anti-Monopoly Law earlier this year, there has been concern that the law will not create a level playing field, particularly vis-à-vis foreign firms.  China has actively pursued an industrial policy aimed at promoting national champions which were encouraged to "go global" in the past decade and is highly sensitive to foreign dominance in its still developing domestic market.  Interestingly, the juice market is competitive in China, though Huiyuan controls nearly half of the pure juice sectors but less of other segments.  Legally, the issue would be whether this proposed merger with Coke will be anti-competitive and lead to an abuse of market power.  In which case, a divestment of parts of the company or a refusal of permission would follow.  But, a comment by a think tank under the Ministry of Commerce suggests that China is worried about losing a 'famous domestic brand.'  And, the highly visible role of domestic producers further suggests that this will be a case that is likely to be driven by political as well as legal factors.  China will need to tread carefully in that the foreign companies as well as non-state Chinese firms will be watching the extent to which this case strengthens or weakens the very important competition policy that must underpin a market economy. 
 
9 September 2008 Downgrading China's banking sector
 

The Chinese banking sector’s fortunes are very much tied to the health of the economy, which is likely to slow this year and into 2010.  It has minimal exposure to the sub-prime mortgage crisis afflicting the West and the exposure of the Chinese state-owned commercial banks to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac is less at risk since the dramatic actions of the U.S. government this week.  Therefore, the reason for slowing growth in the banking sector has to do with predictions that the Chinese economy will slow to under 10% this year, and possibly slow further on account of global stagnation in 2009.  The main problem with the banks is that even the largest ones that are traded publicly on international exchanges are still majority owned and controlled by the Chinese state, such as ICBC.  Efforts to inject foreign equity ownership and instil commercial incentives have worked to some extent.  But, they are still liable to accumulate non-performing loans when the economy slows in order to prop up industry and subject to the dictates of the government when it wishes to promote greater lending to specific sectors, like agriculture, rather than being guided by market forces.  Recent complaints by the EU over regulatory opacity and nationalistic tendencies underscore these concerns.  The lack of independence of the banking sector means that Chinese banks will be intricately tied to the wider fortunes of the economy, and the Chinese economy looks like it will slow down.

 

1 September 2008 The Chinese are Keynesians too

 
The Chinese government is considering an economic stimulus package totalling 370 billion RMB (220 billion in spending and 150 billion in tax cuts) which is around 1% of GDP and in line with the recent U.S. fiscal stimulus package.  The latest indicators of PMI and industrial output suggest that China faces slowing growth this year.  The authorities thus believe that fiscal stimulus is warranted, particularly as CPI has begun to fall.  This is presumably to benefit exporters feeling the global downturn and the appreciation of the RMB, avoid a rise in unemployment, and help the small and medium sized enterprises squeezed by tighter monetary policy while simultaneously facing rising producer prices.  Given its fixed exchange rate, China’s active use of fiscal policy is expected and may well be enough to prevent a dramatic decline in GDP.  The government’s targeted growth rate is 8%, so they are unlikely to be very concerned about a moderate slowdown from double digit growth this year.  The real challenge may be faced at the end of the 5 year large-scale infrastructure spending project at the beginning of 2010 when the global economy is predicted to be stagnant in 2009.